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The Promised Land of Ruga: A Time Bomb, By Miriam Shehu

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Who are the president’s advisers? Had the Nigerian government proceeded with the Ruga initiative, principally, how do you even select allottees given the poor ID and record keeping system? How do you now establish a distinction between Nigerian Fulanis and foreign Fulanis who have arrived the country on the premise of a Ruga Promised Land?

For those familiar with the Holy Scriptures, the idea of a Promised Land was a significant component of the migration of the Jews from the land of Egypt. It was a migration anchored on the promise of a land flowing with milk and honey. For the promise of this land to materialise, it simply meant that the previous inhabitants of the Promised Land were going to be displaced and dispossessed of their land, paving way for the Jews to settle in.

Fast forward thousands of years later, somewhere in the Sahel, the concept of a Promised Land for cattle settlements has stirred a controversy that now threatens the very foundation of the world’s largest black democracy.

It all began when the permanent secretary in the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development, Alhaji Mohammadu Umar said the Federal Government of Nigeria has started to establish the Rural Grazing Area (RUGA) or ‘Ruga Settlements’ for herdsmen in 12 of the 36 states of Nigeria as a pilot scheme for a nationwide programme designed to curb farmer-herder clashes. ‘Ruga’ in Hausa means “A cattle camp of the nomad Fulani.”

Following the public outrage over this development, the general secretary of Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association (MACBAN), Baba Uthman Ngelzarma stated that: “This Ruga settlement model is a component part of the livestock development and transformation plan that is being implemented under the Office of the vice president.”

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The Office of the Vice President disclaimed the statement by MACBAN, stating that “Contrary to claims reported in sections of the media, Ruga settlements are not being supervised by the Office of the Vice President. Ruga is different from the National Livestock Transformation Plan”. This was contained in a tweet by Osinbajo’s spokesman, Laolu Akande.

In the heat of the raging controversy over the Ruga settlements, a March 13 letter signed by Osinbajo’s chief of staff, Ade Ipaye and addressed to the Aku Uka of Wukari in Taraba State surfaced on Facebook. It introduced “Dr Kyantirimam Ukwen who will be conducting the mapping assessment in Taraba” as part of a federal government “strategy for tackling the farmer-herder crises.”

The leaked letter only made the situation worse. In what appeared a hasty crisis management approach, Osinbajo’s office issued another statement, “As the said letter itself shows, the reference is to the National Livestock Transformation Plan, as different from RUGA. The two are not to be confused: the one is different from the other.”

In the past few days in the Nigerian social media, the controversy over Ruga continues to elicit provocative conversations. From all indications, this has been a blunder by the Nigerian government. However, not much of the public commentary and outrage is paying attention to the real dynamics of this scary development.

The unfolding drama took a new twist when a new letter dated May 21, signed by Dr. Hussain Adamu, director, procurement, Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development surfaced. Addressed to a contractor in Abuja, it states in part, “I am directed to inform you that the Federal Executive Council (FEC) at its meeting held on 8th May, 2019 approved the award of contract for the construction of 8 Nos. Ruga Infrastructure with Sanitary Facilities (Red Brick structure) each in Taraba State as detailed in the attached to your company at the sum of N166,336,380.00 (One hundred and sixty-six million, three hundred and thirty thousand, three hundred and eighty Naira)”.

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Presidential spokesman, Garba Shehu soon confirmed that ‘Ruga Settlement’, is part of the federal government policy “to settle migrant pastoral families simply means rural settlement in which animal farmers, not just cattle herders, will be settled in an organised place with provision of necessary and adequate basic amenities such as schools, hospitals, road networks, vet clinics, markets and manufacturing entities that will process and add value to meats and animal products.”

The ‘Ruga Settlements’ project has since been suspended. Moments after the news of the suspension, a group that calls itself the Coalition of Northern Groups (CNGs) issued a 30-day ultimatum to Nigerian state governors urging them to reconsider the establishment of Ruga settlements and then proceeds to issue a threat of eviction to Igbos living and trading in Northern Nigeria. In a reaction, Ohaneze Ndi Igbo called on all Igbos to get ready to defend themselves against the threat by the Northern group to forcibly evict them.

In the past few days in the Nigerian social media, the controversy over Ruga continues to elicit provocative conversations. From all indications, this has been a blunder by the Nigerian government. However, not much of the public commentary and outrage is paying attention to the real dynamics of this scary development. It appears not even the Nigerian government is aware of the imminent security concerns of the Ruga ‘Promised Land’. But how did we get here and how do we navigate our way out of this looming apocalypse?

Recall that President Muhammadu Buhari has come under great criticism several time for attributing the rise in Nigeria’s herder-farmers clashes to the former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, who was killed in October 2011.

“The problem is even older than us. It has always been there, but now made worse by the influx of armed gunmen from the Sahel region into different parts of the West African sub-region. These gunmen were trained and armed by Muammar Gaddafi of Libya. When he was killed, the gunmen escaped with their arms. We encountered some of them fighting with Boko Haram. Herdsmen that we used to know carried only sticks and maybe a cutlass to clear the way, but these ones now carry sophisticated weapons,” Buhari had said.

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Despite the problematics of Buhari’s narrative, it has thrown up new perspectives on the issue at hand. Climate change is partly to blame according to a report by the World Economic Forum (WEF).

Western Sahel Fulanis, who share the same heritage with the Northern Nigerian Fulani, have been encouraged by this announcement of a ‘Promised Land’ for herdsmen in Nigeria. This promise has now attracted Fulani herdsmen from all over West Africa, who are responding in huge numbers due to ethnic tensions and environmental problems in their home countries.

“The United Nations estimates that roughly 80% of the Sahel’s farmland is degraded. Temperatures there are rising 1.5 times faster than the global average. As a result, droughts and floods are growing longer and more frequent, undermining food production. About 50 million people in the Sahel depend on livestock rearing for survival. But the land available to pastoralists is shrinking. This is aggravated by surging population growth that is pushing farmers northward to cultivate more crops. And while adverse climate conditions are sparking violence, proliferating jihadi insurgencies are also creating no-go areas, turning a bad situation even worse”, says the WEF report.

Putting more context to the fallout of the Gaddafi regime and the collateral damage now evident with forced Fulani migration from countries like Mali and Burkina Faso, The Middle East Eye, in a March 28, 2019 report explains that: “A rebellion by Tuareg separatists in 2012 inflamed ethnic tensions, driving Fulani herders into the hands of militant groups. A nomadic people inhabiting the Sahara, Tuareg political leaders had long sought their own homeland free from marginalisation in Mali and neighbouring countries. The Western-backed removal of Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi in 2011 was a turning point. With his demise Tuareg who had fought on his side as mercenaries returned home across the Sahara, bringing with them heavy weapons looted from Libya’s armouries.”

Over the past few months, hundreds of militia have emerged in Mali and Burkina Faso, killing at least 800 people since the beginning of 2018. These militias, which are most active in Mali, say they are hunting jihadists. In reality they are targeting Fulanis, a mainly Muslim minority group in Mali according to a recent report by The Economist, titled ‘States in the Sahel have unleashed ethnic gangs with guns.’

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Clearly, what we are dealing with is far more complicated than the divisive rhetoric that Nigerian Fulani herdsmen are on rampage with an agenda to ‘Fulanise’ Nigeria. That would be over-simplifying the conversation.

It is true that endangered Fulanis are migrating and seeking safer havens and greener pastures across the Sahel. What is also true is that the Buhari administration has mismanaged the heightening tensions between herders and farmers in Nigeria over the past four years. Criticised over its indecisive approach to arresting farmer-herders clashes, the Nigerian government simply added more fuel to an already raging inferno with the announcement of nationwide Ruga settlements!

Western Sahel Fulanis, who share the same heritage with the Northern Nigerian Fulani, have been encouraged by this announcement of a ‘Promised Land’ for herdsmen in Nigeria. This promise has now attracted Fulani herdsmen from all over West Africa, who are responding in huge numbers due to ethnic tensions and environmental problems in their home countries. The Fulanis are arriving Nigeria in droves and there is no land for them. They are not happy and they have started taking the land by force. Indigenous farmers are left with no option but to react and defend themselves, escalating years of violent herders-farmers conflicts.

Who are the president’s advisers? Had the Nigerian government proceeded with the Ruga initiative, principally, how do you even select allottees given the poor ID and record keeping system? How do you now establish a distinction between Nigerian Fulanis and foreign Fulanis who have arrived the country on the premise of a Ruga Promised Land? In a situation where you are able to identify the non-Nigerian Fulanis and other foreign nationals now resident in Nigeria, what is the plan? Evict them or help them settle down in Nigeria? We are sitting on a time bomb.

Miriam Shehu writes from Abuja.

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Opinions

10 ways the Tax Bills will make states richer

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By Temitope Ajayi

Human beings naturally resist change. When comfortable where we are, we find it extremely difficult to embrace an uncharted path or seek greater glory. Those who are risk averse often don’t want to venture out to embrace unfamiliar territories no matter how tempting the possible reward may appear. We should not, however, be so imprisoned by the fear of the unknown not to explore new possibilities because we find our present circumstances satisfying enough.

Since the public debate around the Tax Reform Bills started, the strongest push back against it has come largely from the north. Borno State Governor, Professor Babagana Zulum has become the face of the resistance for the reasons he has pushed forward, even when some of them didn’t speak to the facts and provisions of the bills.

If Governor Zulum and other voices of resistance who think the states will be shortchanged had actually taken time to examine the four executive Bills, they will see how progressive and transformative the Bills are. They will also discern the thought behind them which is primarily to make both the Federal and sub-nationals fiscally stronger and buoyant.

In his public presentations and the most recent being the Channels TV Town Hall moderated by Seun Okinbaloye Monday evening, Chairman of Presidential Committee on Tax and Fiscal Policy Reforms, Taiwo Oyedele and other panelists again made convincing arguments for the passage of the Bills before the National Assembly.

Here are the 10 ways the Tax Bills will serve the states better and enhance their capacity to earn more revenue:

1. The federal government will cede 5% out of its current 15% share of VAT revenue to states.

2. The Bills will transfer income from the Electronic Money Transfer levy exclusively to states as part of stamp duties.

3. The Bills seek to repeal obsolete stamp duties law and re-enactment of a simplified law to enhance the revenue for states.

4. Under the new dispensation the Tax Bills will usher in, states will be entitled to the tax of Limited Liability Partnerships.

5. When passed by the National Assembly, the Tax Bills will enable the state government to enjoy tax exemption on their bonds to be at par with federal government bonds.

6. Under the proposed tax reform, states will enjoy a more equitable model for VAT attribution and distribution that will lead to higher VAT income.

7. Integrated tax administration will provide tax intelligence to states, strengthen capacity development and collaboration, and scope of Tax Appeal Tribunal to cover taxpayer disputes on state taxes.

8. The proposed tax laws grant powers for Accountant General of the Federation to deduct taxes unremitted by a government or MDA and pay to the beneficiary sub-national government on personal income tax of workers of federal institutions in states.

9. Framework to grant autonomy for states internal revenue service and enhanced Joint Revenue Board to promote collaborative fiscal federalism.

10. Legal framework for taxation of lottery and gaming and introduction of withholding tax for the benefit of states.

From the aforementioned, it is clear that the Tax Bills are not in any way injurious to the states. Apart from streamlining the tax system in Nigeria and catalysing economic output, the tax and fiscal policy reforms provide incentives for states to become economic powerhouses. The challenge for governors will be to put on their thinking cap by investing in manpower and critical social and physical infrastructure in their states that will support businesses and socio-economic activities to flourish.

-Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Publicity

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Forging Ahead: The Evolving Nigeria-South Africa Alliance

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By Sunday Dare

As Nigeria and South Africa hold the 11th session of Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission, in Cape Town, on Tue Dec 3, 2024 it is trite to establish the contours of their relationship and to thank President Tinubu for keeping faith with Africa’s other big brother.
The radar on Nigeria again shifts to South Africa witnessing three weeks of unprecedented shuttle political and economic diplomacy.

President Bola Tinubu’s co-chairmanship of the 11th Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) alongside President Cyril Ramaphosa marks a significant diplomatic step towards fostering stronger bilateral ties.

This meeting, which coincides with the 25th anniversary of the BNC, underscores the importance of high-level engagements between Africa’s two largest economies.

As Nigeria and South Africa convene the 11th session of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) in Cape Town on Tuesday, December 3, 2024, it is imperative to reflect on the historical and evolving contours of their relationship. This milestone session, coinciding with the 25th anniversary of the BNC, serves as a testament to the resilience, ambition, and shared vision of Africa’s two largest economies. It is also a fitting moment to commend President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for his unwavering commitment to fostering robust ties with Africa’s other “big brother,” South Africa.

In the wake of three weeks of intense shuttle diplomacy spanning political and economic arenas, Nigeria’s radar is again fixed on South Africa. These engagements underscore a mutual recognition of their intertwined destinies in shaping Africa’s future.

As leaders, policymakers, and stakeholders converge in Cape Town, the air will be laden with both expectation and nostalgia—a poignant reminder of a partnership that has endured triumphs, challenges, and moments of historic significance.

One cannot but recall May 1990, when Nelson Mandela, few months after his release from Robben Island, embarked on a state visit to Lagos. That moment, etched in the annals of African solidarity, rekindled the bond between Nigeria and South Africa, catalyzing a renewed era of collaboration. It was a symbolic bridge, uniting the aspirations of two nations whose struggles and victories have defined the narrative of Africa’s journey toward liberation and unity.

This week, Cape Town becomes the stage for another chapter in this storied relationship. With the BNC serving as a platform for dialogue and cooperation, the two nations are poised to reaffirm their roles as co-architects of a continent driven by shared prosperity, peace, and purpose. Their ability to navigate the currents of history while embracing the opportunities of the future demonstrates that this partnership is, indeed, coming of age.

Established in 1999, the Nigeria-South Africa BNC is a structured platform aimed at enhancing cooperation across political, economic, and social sectors. Over the years, the commission has evolved into a key mechanism for dialogue, addressing shared challenges, and fostering sustainable development.

This year’s session, encompassing eight working groups, highlights both nations’ commitment to addressing mutual priorities: These key priorities include political consultations (ensuring stability in regional and global contexts), consular and migration Issues (addressing concerns such as xenophobia and facilitating smoother relations), banking and finance (exploring avenues for economic integration), defence and security (trackling transnational crimes and terrorism), as well as manufacturing and trade (including strengthening intra-African trade under the African Continental Free Trade Agreement, AfCFTA). Also covered are mines and energy (leveraging natural resources for mutual benefit, social sector development (promoting education, healthcare, and culture), and trade and Investment (expanding business opportunities for both nations).

The philosophical underpinnings for the BNC embodies principles of Pan-Africanism, Ubuntu, and liberal institutionalism, emphasizing unity, collective progress, and institutionalized cooperation. As Nelson Mandela aptly stated, “The greatest glory in living lies not in never falling, but in rising every time we fall.” This captures the essence of overcoming historical frictions to achieve a united African future.

President Tinubu’s leadership in this context is pivotal, reflecting Nigeria’s strategic role in Africa’s socio-economic and political landscape.

A discussion of the ongoing efforts would be incomplete without referencing philosophical concepts that accentuate its significance.
Rooted in the works of W.E.B. Du Bois, Kwame Nkrumah, and Julius Nyerere, Pan-Africanism emphasizes the solidarity of African nations to combat external domination and promote socio-economic progress. The BNC reflects this ideal by uniting Nigeria and South Africa as pillars of African development. As Kwame Nkrumah once said, “The forces that unite us are intrinsic and greater than the superimposed influences that keep us apart.”. This quote underscores the importance of Nigeria and South Africa overcoming historical challenges, such as xenophobia, to focus on collective progress.

The BNC’s deliberations and MoUs can be seen as an extension of this principle. According to Aristotle, “The good of the people must be the great aim of government.” The Southern African philosophy of Ubuntu, often translated as “I am because we are,” aligns with the spirit of the BNC. It emphasizes interconnectedness, mutual respect, and the collective good. Ubuntu offers a philosophical lens through which Nigeria and South Africa can navigate shared challenges and opportunities. As Desmond Tutu once reflected: “We can only be human together: hence, the essence of collaborative efforts in fostering a united African front.

Beyond these, the Dependency Theory, associated with scholars like Andre Gunder Frank, critiques the global economic system’s perpetuation of underdevelopment in the Global South. By strengthening intra-African trade and reducing reliance on foreign powers, Nigeria and South Africa can challenge these structures through platforms like the BNC. Joseph Stiglitz’s words that “Development is about transforming the lives of people, not just transforming economies,” aligns with the BNC’s goals of translating economic growth into meaningful societal impacts.

The pragmatic effort to address specific issues in trade, security, and development stresses the responsibility of both leaders to focus on concrete outcomes over rhetoric. More importantly, it refects the basic principles of African Renaissance. Championed by scholars like Cheikh Anta Diop and Thabo Mbeki, the African Renaissance envisions a continent reclaiming its rightful place in global affairs through unity, cultural revival, and economic development. The BNC is a practical manifestation of this vision.Certainly, Tinubu and Ramaphosa are evoking the shared identity and destiny of Nigerians and South Africans in fostering an African Renaissance. The BNC serves as a practical example of liberal institutionalism, fostering dialogue and collaboration in a structured manner. As Martin Luther King Jr once stated, “We must learn to live together as brothers or perish together as fools.” This underscores the imperative for sustained collaboration through institutions like the BNC.

Constructivism suggests that international relations are shaped by ideas, identities, and shared values rather than mere material factors. Therefore, the symbolic 25th anniversary of the BNC is a reflection of the shared identity and history of Nigeria and South Africa.
According to John Maynard Keynes, “The ideas of men, their dreams and visions, are much more powerful than material forces.” The role of shared visions in shaping Nigeria-South Africa relations cannot be over-emphasized.

Shared History

The history of Nigeria-South Africa relationship runs through the period of Anti-Apartheid Solidarity of 1960 – 1965, through Post-Apartheid engagement that started in 1999. Nigeria was a leading supporter of South Africa’s liberation movement. Between 1960 and 1995, Nigeria committed substantial financial and diplomatic resources to the anti-apartheid struggle, offering refuge and education to South African exiles like Thabo Mbeki.The Bi-National Commission, established in 1999, institutionalized bilateral cooperation. However, relations have faced challenges, including xenophobic attacks in South Africa and trade imbalances.

The current nature of the two countries’ economic relations shows that Nigeria’s oil exports and South Africa’s industrial expertise complement each other. Opportunities under AfCFTA and energy collaboration highlight the untapped potential of this relationship. Looking ahead, it is rather easy to see that with strong historical ties and shared visions, Nigeria and South Africa are well-positioned to lead Africa’s socio-economic transformation.

From Anti-Apartheid Solidarity to Economic Collaboration

The Nigeria-South Africa relationship is a tale of resilience, solidarity, and transformation, deeply rooted in shared historical, political, and economic narratives. As Africa’s largest economies, the two nations have carved distinct yet intertwined paths that highlight their roles as both leaders and collaborators in shaping the continent’s destiny. From Nigeria’s pivotal support during South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle to their evolving economic partnership, this relationship embodies the essence of African unity. Yet, it has not been without its challenges, marked by moments of friction and unresolved tensions.
The forthcoming 11th session of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) in Cape Town provides a fitting occasion to reflect on this storied partnership. With the backdrop of the 25th anniversary of the BNC, it is an opportune moment to examine how the two nations have evolved from their shared fight for justice to becoming co-architects of Africa’s economic and political renaissance.
The roots of the Nigeria-South Africa partnership lie in the era of apartheid, where Nigeria emerged as one of the most steadfast allies of the African National Congress (ANC) and other liberation movements in South Africa and Nigeria’s key contributions cover:

• Diplomatic Advocacy: Nigeria was a vocal opponent of apartheid on global platforms such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth, pushing for sanctions and isolating South Africa’s apartheid regime diplomatically.

• Financial and Material Aid: Under initiatives such as the “Mandela Tax,” successive Nigerian governments provided significant financial and logistical support to the ANC. Over the decades, Nigeria is estimated to have spent over $61 billion in its efforts to dismantle apartheid.

• Educational and Cultural Solidarity: Nigeria welcomed South African exiles and offered scholarships to ANC members, including figures like Thabo Mbeki, who studied and lived in Nigeria during apartheid. Nigerian universities served as sanctuaries for intellectual and political development for many South African activists.

• Civil Society Advocacy: Nigerian artists, intellectuals, and activists utilized literature, music, and advocacy to raise global awareness of the atrocities of apartheid and rally international solidarity.

Nigeria-South Africa relations in the post-apartheid era reflects collaboration, along with some measure of frictions. With apartheid dismantled in 1994 and Nelson Mandela’s election as South Africa’s first democratic president, the dynamic between the two nations transitioned from solidarity to collaboration. However, this new era was also punctuated by moments of tension.

Collaborative Achievements

• Institutional Frameworks: The establishment of the Bi-National Commission in 1999 formalized a structured approach to bilateral engagement.

• African Leadership: Both nations played pivotal roles in initiatives such as the African Union (AU) and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), advancing the African Renaissance.

• Economic Ties: South African corporations such as MTN, Shoprite, and Multichoice became prominent players in Nigeria’s economic landscape, fostering trade and investment.

Sources of Tension:

• Xenophobia: Recurrent xenophobic attacks on Nigerians living in South Africa have strained relations, spotlighting socio-economic grievances and perceptions of competition.

• Diplomatic Disputes: Occasional policy disagreements, such as South Africa’s visa denial to Nigerian officials during Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency, have highlighted gaps in mutual understanding.

• Trade Imbalance: While South African businesses thrive in Nigeria, Nigerian firms face significant barriers in South Africa, fueling perceptions of unequal benefits.

Pragmatic mutual exploration of trade and economic potentials has since taken over. As Africa’s two largest economies, Nigeria and South Africa are uniquely positioned to lead the continent’s economic transformation.
Current Dynamics.

• Trade Composition: Nigeria primarily exports crude oil and natural gas to South Africa, while South Africa exports machinery, manufactured goods, and processed foods.

• Investment Landscape: South African firms dominate in sectors like telecommunications (MTN), retail (Shoprite), and media (Multichoice).
Opportunities for Growth.

• Intra-African Trade: The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) presents opportunities for deeper trade integration, particularly in technology and industrial goods.

• Energy Partnerships: Nigeria’s energy surplus and South Africa’s demand create possibilities for collaboration in oil, gas, and renewables.

• Shared Regional Leadership: Joint infrastructural and developmental initiatives can drive economic growth across Africa.

A Vision for the Future
Despite historical and contemporary challenges, the Nigeria-South Africa partnership remains a cornerstone of African diplomacy. The 25th anniversary of the Bi-National Commission serves as an opportunity to recalibrate their relationship and unlock its potential for mutual and continental benefits.

As Thabo Mbeki poignantly remarked:
“We share a common destiny as Africans. Only through unity and cooperation can we rise above our challenges and achieve greatness.”
This sentiment captures the essence of Nigeria-South Africa relations—a partnership poised to redefine Africa’s trajectory toward peace, prosperity, and global relevance.

Sunday Dare
Special Adviser, to the President on Media and Public Communications

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Measuring national progress, NBS data, and scepticism

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Bayo Onanuga

By Bayo Onanuga

Recent reports from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) have become a focal point of criticism and scepticism, especially by the political opposition and perpetual doubters of any positive report about our country.

In its Q2 labour survey report, the NBS says the unemployment rate fell from 5.3 % in Q1 to 4.3% in Q2. Compared to the unemployment rate of 5.3% in Q4 2022, the report shows some progress, as it also indicates lower level of youth unemployment.

The NBS also reported that GDP growth in the third quarter rose to 3.46% year-on-year in real terms, higher than the 2.54% recorded in Q3 2023 and above the second quarter growth of 3.19%.

The report stated that the GDP’s performance in the third quarter of 2024 was driven mainly by the Services sector, which recorded a growth of 5.19% and contributed 53.58% to the aggregate GDP. The agriculture sector grew by 1.14%, from the growth of 1.30% recorded in the third quarter of 2023. The industry sector’s growth was 2.18%, an improvement from 0.46% recorded in the third quarter of 2023.

“In terms of share of the GDP, the services sector contributed more to the aggregate GDP in the third quarter of 2024 compared to the corresponding quarter of 2023.

“In the quarter under review, aggregate GDP at basic price stood at N71,131,091.07 million in nominal terms. This performance is higher than the third quarter of 2023, which recorded an aggregate GDP of N60,658,600.37 million, indicating a year-on-year nominal growth of 17.26%.

Amid a singer’s uninformed opinion that went viral on social media that our country’s economy is in shambles, the NBS sounded positive, reporting that the economy is improving, as proven by the successive growth from Quarter one of 2024 up until Quarter 3.

Ordinarily, such positive reports should elicit hope and joy that our country’s economy is getting out of the woods, but they were instead met with skepticism from some quarters.

Unfounded allegations by critics that the data was manipulated fail to recognise the transparent and robust methodologies employed by the NBS. These methodologies are continually reviewed and improved to ensure reliability, providing a solid foundation for the data presented.

In contrast, when the NBS reported that inflation figures rose, these same voices quickly endorsed the report, illustrating some Nigerians’ selective acceptance of data based on preconceived narratives and confirmation bias rather than its authenticity.

It is crucial to emphasise that the NBS operates as an independent entity committed to providing accurate and objective data. These statistics are not mere numbers; they are derived from comprehensive research and analysis, reflecting the multifaceted realities of our national economy. The processes align with global best practices, and the bureau’s methodologies are continually reviewed and improved to ensure reliability.

Moreover, the positive economic indicators should be viewed as milestones in the ongoing efforts by the Tinubu administration to strengthen Nigeria’s economy. The figures by NBS reflect that a combination of government initiatives is yielding fruits, boosting the service sector and the stock and bond market, creating jobs, and driving sustainable growth. These developments, sooner than later, will translate into improved living standards, increased job opportunities, and a more robust economy for all Nigerians.

While challenges remain, dismissing progress in a knee-jerk manner, as some Nigerians do, negates the hard work of the government and the private sector, which contributed to these achievements.

The same way some Nigerians dismiss and deride economic data is very prevalent on the judicial front and in the work of the Independent National Electoral Commission. When a politician wins an election or a legal case, the singsong is that it has been a fair contest and justice has been delivered; however, when a candidate or party loses, the supporters binge on derision against INEC or the judges. Only recently, a prominent Nigerian went abroad to dismiss the 2023 election as a travesty because his candidate did not win the poll or the legal challenge instituted.

As Nigerians, we must respect our judicial system, even when the outcome does not favour us. The symbol of justice is a pendulum, and judges uphold justice based on the rule of law, without public pressure or sentiment. Accusations of corruption, whenever verdicts defy personal expectations, undermine the integrity of our courts and the democratic principles we cherish. We must turn the page over these matters and stop clinging to skepticism when presented with favourable data reflecting our nation’s progress. Those who truly want Nigeria to become a great country we all claim we seek will not use every opportunity to take out the flames of national progress. While the challenges remain and are being addressed, we must always recognise and celebrate every progress.

– Onanuga is Special Adviser to President Tinubu on Information and Strategy

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