Connect with us

Opinions

The Genesis Of The Struggle For Ekiti State: Setting The Record Straight By Adedayo Ogunleye

The struggle for the creation of Ekiti State out of the old Ondo State started in 1980. Ekiti people, living in the old Ondo State which had been four years earlier in 1976, had become disillusioned about their fate in the State.

Published

on

The proliferation of different versions of history emerging out of what appears to be a subtle attempt at revisionism is what spurred this intervention of mine. Having had the rare opportunity to have been briefed orally by one of the pioneering lights of the struggle for the emergence of our beloved Ekiti State and having examined rare historical documents that detail the events that transpired at the time, it is necessary to bring the facts of this all-important part of our collective history as a State to public consciousness once and for all.

The struggle for the creation of Ekiti State out of the old Ondo State started in 1980. Ekiti people, living in the old Ondo State which had been four years earlier in 1976, had become disillusioned about their fate in the State, what with the visible lopsidedness and disparities in the allocation of public amenities between the Ekiti and non-Ekiti divisions of the State. There was glaring evidence that the non-Ekiti division, particularly, Akure, Owo and Ondo were the privileged communities within the state and apart from this obvious lopsidedness, the anti-Ekiti disposition of the Governor, late Chief Michael Adekunle Ajasin was becoming palpable, visible and increasingly intolerable to top Ekiti functionaries in the Ajasin administration. The agitation for Ekiti State therefore commenced as a natural reaction to these factors.

Before I go further, it is instructive to clearly state from the outset that the creation of a new State and Boundary Adjustment under the 1979 Constitution was purely a legislative exercise. Section 8 (1) (a) (i), (ii) & (iii) of the 1979 Constitution clearly sets out the procedure & requirements for State creation. For the avoidance of doubt, Section 8 (1) (a) (i), (ii) & (iii) of the 1979 Constitution provides:

“An Act of the National Assembly for the purpose of creating a new state shall only be passed if:-

(a) A REQUEST supported by at least two-thirds majority of members (representing the area demanding the creation of the new State) in each of the following, namely—

Advertisement

(i) the Senate and House of Representatives,

(ii) the House of Assembly in respect of the area, and

(iii) the local government councils in respect of the area,
IS RECEIVED BY the National Assembly…” (emphasis intentional).

From the foregoing, it is clear that (1) members of the executive arm of governments had no constitutional role in the creation of a new state and (2) state creation was the exclusive and sole function of the legislature. Around this time in 1980, there was a socio-cultural group called Ekiti Union which paraded the membership of prominent Ekiti people like the late Chief J.E. Babatola (Olora); late Chief (Hon.) Bode Kumapayi and late Chief (Hon.) Ayodele Morakinyo. These personages were top UPN barons from Ekiti who had personally witnessed Ajasin’s anti-Ekiti disposition. The Ekiti Union was a group committed to the interest of Ekiti. Therefore, in view of the unambiguous Constitutional provision laid out above on State creation, this group was convinced on the need and feasibility of the idea of Ekiti Statehood. The arrowhead of this group was the late Hon later (Chief) Morakinyo of Ikere-Ekiti, a highly cerebral lawyer and prominent Member of the then State House of Assembly. Being a lawyer, he understood the purport of this Constitutional provision clearly. Consequently, the first step taken by this group was to set up what was called “Ekiti State Creation Movement” to champion this noble cause. Owing to age and his aristocratic clout, late Chief Babatola was declared the Patron of this Movement while late Chief (Hon) Bode Kumpayi was appointed as Chairman and late Hon. Morakinyo became the Secretary. The Ekiti State Creation Movement holds the sole distinction as the group responsible for pioneering and championing the Ekiti peoples’ struggle to have a State of their own, spearheading the agitation for the creation of Ekiti State from 1980-1983. It is also an irrefutable historical fact that this Movement rallied Ekiti people behind this noble cause and held mass meetings at different venues across Ekitiland like Eki Cinema, Ado-Ekiti, Cooperative Hall, Ifaki-Ekiti and other venues in Ekiti communities.

In compliance with Section 8 (1) (a) (i), (ii) & (iii) of the 1979 Constitution set out above on the need to forward a request by way of a Memorandum requesting for the proposed State, Hon. Morakinyo, a vibrant legislator in the then Ondo State during the Second Republic personally authored the first and original Memorandum addressed to the Second Republic National Assembly requesting the National Assembly to “set in motion all necessary machinery for the purposes of creating a new State known as Ekiti State.” This Memorandum was titled: “THE PROPOSED EKITI STATE” and was dated 9th May, 1980 with Reference Number: EX/1/1. This historic document detailed the history of Ekitiland, her people & her culture, her physical geography, her economic viability, her location & size, her population, her homogeneous nature, the constituent local governments of the proposed State, socio-economic advantages of the proposed State, representation in Nigeria’s legislatures & the unanimity of the Ekitis.

Advertisement

At this stage, a fundamental issue to be considered was how to get all the State & Federal legislators from Ekiti to sign this Memorandum in strict compliance with Section 8 of the 1979 Constitution. At great personal risk, Chief Morakinyo took the copies of this Memorandum round the legislative houses, both the Senate & House of Representatives, then in Lagos & the State House of Assembly in Akure and ensured that this Memorandum was signed by Ekiti legislators in compliance with the 1979 Constitution. Some of these legislators are still alive. Prof. Banji Akintoye, a Senator at the time, is still alive; Hon. Francis Aladejebi of Ikere is alive & some others. This fact of history can be verified from these sources. Reference can also be made to pages 209, 210, 211, 212 & 213 of Afe Babalola’s autobiography: “Imposibility Made Possible”) and pages 20, 21, 22, 23, 24 & 25 of the book “Royal Input into the Creation of Ekiti State” written on Ekiti State creation by His Highness, Alayeluwa, Oba G. O. Adeniyi Ojikutu II, the Oba-Nla of Ijesa-Isu Ekiti, for corroboration of these assertions.

In strict compliance with Section 8 of the 1979 Constitution, this Memorandum which was addressed to the Chairman, Senate Committee on Creation of State through the Clerk of the National Assembly was presented to the National Assembly Committee on State Creation. Upon receipt of this Memorandum, the National Assembly Committee on State Creation despatched a 27-member Investigating Panel to Ondo State House of Assembly for fact-finding & investigation. This panel visited Ondo State on Tuesday, 18th May, 1982 to authenticate the signatures on the Memorandum, identify the signatories in person and interview aspirants on the justification for requesting for the creation of Ekiti State. This august event was held at Committee Room 1, Ondo State House of Assembly Complex, Alagbaka, Akure, Ondo State.

It is instructive to state here that after completing its assignment with the Members of the Ondo State House of Assembly, the National Assembly Committee on State Creation formally intimated the Ekiti State Creation Movement on the necessity for including the signatures of caretaker councilors in the Ekiti local governments. Hitherto, the Movement had thought, and rightly so, that Section 8 of the 1979 Constitution did not intend or apply to “caretaker” councillors. Most requests of that nature then did not include the councillors as most Nigerians for one reason or another assumed that the Section applied only to “elected” councillors. Consequently, the Ekiti State Creation Movement wrote a letter dated 21st May, 1982, to all caretaker councillors in the eight (8) local governments in Ekitiland on the necessity of appending their signatures & requesting them to append their signatures on an ADDENDA to the 9th May, 1980 Memorandum. This ADDENDA, dated 25th May, 1982 was consequently signed by all caretaker councillors in the eight (8) local governments in Ekitiland. On Thursday, 27th May, 1982, the caretaker councillors who have now all appended their respective signatures on the ADDENDA proceeded to the National Assembly in Lagos with the Ekiti State Creation Movement for further authentication of their signatures.

It is necessary to state at this juncture that in the original Memorandum dated 9th May, 1980 & forwarded to the National Assembly, there was no mention of the Capital of the proposed State. Therefore, this ADDENDA of 25th May, 1982 served two fundamental purposes, viz:

(i) To incorporate the signatures of all caretaker councillors across the eight (8) local governments in Ekitiland as contemplated by the 1979 Constitution; &

Advertisement

(ii) To incorporate/reflect the consensus of opinion in Ekitiland that the Capital of the proposed State should be in Ado-Ekiti. This ADDENDA was equally forwarded to the National Assembly Committee on Creation of States. All these historic documents were authored by late Chief Morakinyo.

The implication of this is that the ADDENDA thus became part & parcel of the original Memorandum for the creation of Ekiti State dated 9th May, 1980. The 27-member Panel of the National Assembly Committee on States’ Creation that visited Ondo State House of Assembly on Tuesday, 18th May, 1982 on a fact-finding mission found Ekiti’s request meritorious and sent its Report to the then Senate President, Dr. Joseph Wayas who later endorsed same to President Sheu Shagari. Going by the tempo of the agitation in 1980-1983, the creation of Ekiti State would have materialized but for the 1983 coup-de-tat that ushered in the Buhari/Idiagbon junta and put paid to this dream.

When the agitation was renewed in 1991-1996, the Movement of 1980 joined forces with other groups & illustrious sons of Ekiti to form the Council for the Creation of Ekiti State which had prominent Ekiti Obas & met regularly at the palace of His Majesty, the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti until Ekiti was eventually created on 1st October, 1996. The first Memorandum of 9th May, 1980 & the ADDENDA of 25th May, 1982 which incorporated the consensus of opinion in Ekiti that Ado-Ekiti should be the Capital of the proposed State were later submitted again along with the Memorandum dated 9th January, 1996 to the State Creation, Local Government & Boundary Adjustment Committee in 1996. For corroboration, please see the address delivered at the meeting with Members of State Creation, Local Government and Boundary Adjustment Committee on Wednesday, 6th day of March, 1996 by Chief Afe Babalola, SAN). See also pages 137-139, particularly, paragraph 2.2 of page 139 of “A Royal Input into the Creation of Ekiti State” by His Royal Majesty, Oba G.O. Adeniyi Ojikitu II, the Oba-Nla of Ijesa-Isu-Ekiti.

As earlier stated, the purpose of this piece is to preserve the accurate history of our beloved Ekiti for posterity by rightly and accurately situating the various roles of the eminent Ekiti personages involved in the saga. The ‘criminal’ removal of history lessons from the Nigerian school curriculum makes this intervention all the more necessary for as brilliantly stated by the foremost American novelist Robert Heinlein, “a generation which ignores history has no past and no future”.

Adedayo Ogunleye, an International Development consultant, scholar and history enthusiast, writes from Abuja.

Advertisement
Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Opinions

10 ways the Tax Bills will make states richer

Published

on

By Temitope Ajayi

Human beings naturally resist change. When comfortable where we are, we find it extremely difficult to embrace an uncharted path or seek greater glory. Those who are risk averse often don’t want to venture out to embrace unfamiliar territories no matter how tempting the possible reward may appear. We should not, however, be so imprisoned by the fear of the unknown not to explore new possibilities because we find our present circumstances satisfying enough.

Since the public debate around the Tax Reform Bills started, the strongest push back against it has come largely from the north. Borno State Governor, Professor Babagana Zulum has become the face of the resistance for the reasons he has pushed forward, even when some of them didn’t speak to the facts and provisions of the bills.

If Governor Zulum and other voices of resistance who think the states will be shortchanged had actually taken time to examine the four executive Bills, they will see how progressive and transformative the Bills are. They will also discern the thought behind them which is primarily to make both the Federal and sub-nationals fiscally stronger and buoyant.

In his public presentations and the most recent being the Channels TV Town Hall moderated by Seun Okinbaloye Monday evening, Chairman of Presidential Committee on Tax and Fiscal Policy Reforms, Taiwo Oyedele and other panelists again made convincing arguments for the passage of the Bills before the National Assembly.

Here are the 10 ways the Tax Bills will serve the states better and enhance their capacity to earn more revenue:

1. The federal government will cede 5% out of its current 15% share of VAT revenue to states.

2. The Bills will transfer income from the Electronic Money Transfer levy exclusively to states as part of stamp duties.

3. The Bills seek to repeal obsolete stamp duties law and re-enactment of a simplified law to enhance the revenue for states.

4. Under the new dispensation the Tax Bills will usher in, states will be entitled to the tax of Limited Liability Partnerships.

5. When passed by the National Assembly, the Tax Bills will enable the state government to enjoy tax exemption on their bonds to be at par with federal government bonds.

6. Under the proposed tax reform, states will enjoy a more equitable model for VAT attribution and distribution that will lead to higher VAT income.

7. Integrated tax administration will provide tax intelligence to states, strengthen capacity development and collaboration, and scope of Tax Appeal Tribunal to cover taxpayer disputes on state taxes.

8. The proposed tax laws grant powers for Accountant General of the Federation to deduct taxes unremitted by a government or MDA and pay to the beneficiary sub-national government on personal income tax of workers of federal institutions in states.

9. Framework to grant autonomy for states internal revenue service and enhanced Joint Revenue Board to promote collaborative fiscal federalism.

10. Legal framework for taxation of lottery and gaming and introduction of withholding tax for the benefit of states.

From the aforementioned, it is clear that the Tax Bills are not in any way injurious to the states. Apart from streamlining the tax system in Nigeria and catalysing economic output, the tax and fiscal policy reforms provide incentives for states to become economic powerhouses. The challenge for governors will be to put on their thinking cap by investing in manpower and critical social and physical infrastructure in their states that will support businesses and socio-economic activities to flourish.

-Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Publicity

Continue Reading

Opinions

Forging Ahead: The Evolving Nigeria-South Africa Alliance

Published

on

By Sunday Dare

As Nigeria and South Africa hold the 11th session of Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission, in Cape Town, on Tue Dec 3, 2024 it is trite to establish the contours of their relationship and to thank President Tinubu for keeping faith with Africa’s other big brother.
The radar on Nigeria again shifts to South Africa witnessing three weeks of unprecedented shuttle political and economic diplomacy.

President Bola Tinubu’s co-chairmanship of the 11th Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) alongside President Cyril Ramaphosa marks a significant diplomatic step towards fostering stronger bilateral ties.

This meeting, which coincides with the 25th anniversary of the BNC, underscores the importance of high-level engagements between Africa’s two largest economies.

As Nigeria and South Africa convene the 11th session of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) in Cape Town on Tuesday, December 3, 2024, it is imperative to reflect on the historical and evolving contours of their relationship. This milestone session, coinciding with the 25th anniversary of the BNC, serves as a testament to the resilience, ambition, and shared vision of Africa’s two largest economies. It is also a fitting moment to commend President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for his unwavering commitment to fostering robust ties with Africa’s other “big brother,” South Africa.

In the wake of three weeks of intense shuttle diplomacy spanning political and economic arenas, Nigeria’s radar is again fixed on South Africa. These engagements underscore a mutual recognition of their intertwined destinies in shaping Africa’s future.

As leaders, policymakers, and stakeholders converge in Cape Town, the air will be laden with both expectation and nostalgia—a poignant reminder of a partnership that has endured triumphs, challenges, and moments of historic significance.

One cannot but recall May 1990, when Nelson Mandela, few months after his release from Robben Island, embarked on a state visit to Lagos. That moment, etched in the annals of African solidarity, rekindled the bond between Nigeria and South Africa, catalyzing a renewed era of collaboration. It was a symbolic bridge, uniting the aspirations of two nations whose struggles and victories have defined the narrative of Africa’s journey toward liberation and unity.

This week, Cape Town becomes the stage for another chapter in this storied relationship. With the BNC serving as a platform for dialogue and cooperation, the two nations are poised to reaffirm their roles as co-architects of a continent driven by shared prosperity, peace, and purpose. Their ability to navigate the currents of history while embracing the opportunities of the future demonstrates that this partnership is, indeed, coming of age.

Established in 1999, the Nigeria-South Africa BNC is a structured platform aimed at enhancing cooperation across political, economic, and social sectors. Over the years, the commission has evolved into a key mechanism for dialogue, addressing shared challenges, and fostering sustainable development.

This year’s session, encompassing eight working groups, highlights both nations’ commitment to addressing mutual priorities: These key priorities include political consultations (ensuring stability in regional and global contexts), consular and migration Issues (addressing concerns such as xenophobia and facilitating smoother relations), banking and finance (exploring avenues for economic integration), defence and security (trackling transnational crimes and terrorism), as well as manufacturing and trade (including strengthening intra-African trade under the African Continental Free Trade Agreement, AfCFTA). Also covered are mines and energy (leveraging natural resources for mutual benefit, social sector development (promoting education, healthcare, and culture), and trade and Investment (expanding business opportunities for both nations).

The philosophical underpinnings for the BNC embodies principles of Pan-Africanism, Ubuntu, and liberal institutionalism, emphasizing unity, collective progress, and institutionalized cooperation. As Nelson Mandela aptly stated, “The greatest glory in living lies not in never falling, but in rising every time we fall.” This captures the essence of overcoming historical frictions to achieve a united African future.

President Tinubu’s leadership in this context is pivotal, reflecting Nigeria’s strategic role in Africa’s socio-economic and political landscape.

A discussion of the ongoing efforts would be incomplete without referencing philosophical concepts that accentuate its significance.
Rooted in the works of W.E.B. Du Bois, Kwame Nkrumah, and Julius Nyerere, Pan-Africanism emphasizes the solidarity of African nations to combat external domination and promote socio-economic progress. The BNC reflects this ideal by uniting Nigeria and South Africa as pillars of African development. As Kwame Nkrumah once said, “The forces that unite us are intrinsic and greater than the superimposed influences that keep us apart.”. This quote underscores the importance of Nigeria and South Africa overcoming historical challenges, such as xenophobia, to focus on collective progress.

The BNC’s deliberations and MoUs can be seen as an extension of this principle. According to Aristotle, “The good of the people must be the great aim of government.” The Southern African philosophy of Ubuntu, often translated as “I am because we are,” aligns with the spirit of the BNC. It emphasizes interconnectedness, mutual respect, and the collective good. Ubuntu offers a philosophical lens through which Nigeria and South Africa can navigate shared challenges and opportunities. As Desmond Tutu once reflected: “We can only be human together: hence, the essence of collaborative efforts in fostering a united African front.

Beyond these, the Dependency Theory, associated with scholars like Andre Gunder Frank, critiques the global economic system’s perpetuation of underdevelopment in the Global South. By strengthening intra-African trade and reducing reliance on foreign powers, Nigeria and South Africa can challenge these structures through platforms like the BNC. Joseph Stiglitz’s words that “Development is about transforming the lives of people, not just transforming economies,” aligns with the BNC’s goals of translating economic growth into meaningful societal impacts.

The pragmatic effort to address specific issues in trade, security, and development stresses the responsibility of both leaders to focus on concrete outcomes over rhetoric. More importantly, it refects the basic principles of African Renaissance. Championed by scholars like Cheikh Anta Diop and Thabo Mbeki, the African Renaissance envisions a continent reclaiming its rightful place in global affairs through unity, cultural revival, and economic development. The BNC is a practical manifestation of this vision.Certainly, Tinubu and Ramaphosa are evoking the shared identity and destiny of Nigerians and South Africans in fostering an African Renaissance. The BNC serves as a practical example of liberal institutionalism, fostering dialogue and collaboration in a structured manner. As Martin Luther King Jr once stated, “We must learn to live together as brothers or perish together as fools.” This underscores the imperative for sustained collaboration through institutions like the BNC.

Constructivism suggests that international relations are shaped by ideas, identities, and shared values rather than mere material factors. Therefore, the symbolic 25th anniversary of the BNC is a reflection of the shared identity and history of Nigeria and South Africa.
According to John Maynard Keynes, “The ideas of men, their dreams and visions, are much more powerful than material forces.” The role of shared visions in shaping Nigeria-South Africa relations cannot be over-emphasized.

Shared History

The history of Nigeria-South Africa relationship runs through the period of Anti-Apartheid Solidarity of 1960 – 1965, through Post-Apartheid engagement that started in 1999. Nigeria was a leading supporter of South Africa’s liberation movement. Between 1960 and 1995, Nigeria committed substantial financial and diplomatic resources to the anti-apartheid struggle, offering refuge and education to South African exiles like Thabo Mbeki.The Bi-National Commission, established in 1999, institutionalized bilateral cooperation. However, relations have faced challenges, including xenophobic attacks in South Africa and trade imbalances.

The current nature of the two countries’ economic relations shows that Nigeria’s oil exports and South Africa’s industrial expertise complement each other. Opportunities under AfCFTA and energy collaboration highlight the untapped potential of this relationship. Looking ahead, it is rather easy to see that with strong historical ties and shared visions, Nigeria and South Africa are well-positioned to lead Africa’s socio-economic transformation.

From Anti-Apartheid Solidarity to Economic Collaboration

The Nigeria-South Africa relationship is a tale of resilience, solidarity, and transformation, deeply rooted in shared historical, political, and economic narratives. As Africa’s largest economies, the two nations have carved distinct yet intertwined paths that highlight their roles as both leaders and collaborators in shaping the continent’s destiny. From Nigeria’s pivotal support during South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle to their evolving economic partnership, this relationship embodies the essence of African unity. Yet, it has not been without its challenges, marked by moments of friction and unresolved tensions.
The forthcoming 11th session of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) in Cape Town provides a fitting occasion to reflect on this storied partnership. With the backdrop of the 25th anniversary of the BNC, it is an opportune moment to examine how the two nations have evolved from their shared fight for justice to becoming co-architects of Africa’s economic and political renaissance.
The roots of the Nigeria-South Africa partnership lie in the era of apartheid, where Nigeria emerged as one of the most steadfast allies of the African National Congress (ANC) and other liberation movements in South Africa and Nigeria’s key contributions cover:

• Diplomatic Advocacy: Nigeria was a vocal opponent of apartheid on global platforms such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth, pushing for sanctions and isolating South Africa’s apartheid regime diplomatically.

• Financial and Material Aid: Under initiatives such as the “Mandela Tax,” successive Nigerian governments provided significant financial and logistical support to the ANC. Over the decades, Nigeria is estimated to have spent over $61 billion in its efforts to dismantle apartheid.

• Educational and Cultural Solidarity: Nigeria welcomed South African exiles and offered scholarships to ANC members, including figures like Thabo Mbeki, who studied and lived in Nigeria during apartheid. Nigerian universities served as sanctuaries for intellectual and political development for many South African activists.

• Civil Society Advocacy: Nigerian artists, intellectuals, and activists utilized literature, music, and advocacy to raise global awareness of the atrocities of apartheid and rally international solidarity.

Nigeria-South Africa relations in the post-apartheid era reflects collaboration, along with some measure of frictions. With apartheid dismantled in 1994 and Nelson Mandela’s election as South Africa’s first democratic president, the dynamic between the two nations transitioned from solidarity to collaboration. However, this new era was also punctuated by moments of tension.

Collaborative Achievements

• Institutional Frameworks: The establishment of the Bi-National Commission in 1999 formalized a structured approach to bilateral engagement.

• African Leadership: Both nations played pivotal roles in initiatives such as the African Union (AU) and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), advancing the African Renaissance.

• Economic Ties: South African corporations such as MTN, Shoprite, and Multichoice became prominent players in Nigeria’s economic landscape, fostering trade and investment.

Sources of Tension:

• Xenophobia: Recurrent xenophobic attacks on Nigerians living in South Africa have strained relations, spotlighting socio-economic grievances and perceptions of competition.

• Diplomatic Disputes: Occasional policy disagreements, such as South Africa’s visa denial to Nigerian officials during Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency, have highlighted gaps in mutual understanding.

• Trade Imbalance: While South African businesses thrive in Nigeria, Nigerian firms face significant barriers in South Africa, fueling perceptions of unequal benefits.

Pragmatic mutual exploration of trade and economic potentials has since taken over. As Africa’s two largest economies, Nigeria and South Africa are uniquely positioned to lead the continent’s economic transformation.
Current Dynamics.

• Trade Composition: Nigeria primarily exports crude oil and natural gas to South Africa, while South Africa exports machinery, manufactured goods, and processed foods.

• Investment Landscape: South African firms dominate in sectors like telecommunications (MTN), retail (Shoprite), and media (Multichoice).
Opportunities for Growth.

• Intra-African Trade: The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) presents opportunities for deeper trade integration, particularly in technology and industrial goods.

• Energy Partnerships: Nigeria’s energy surplus and South Africa’s demand create possibilities for collaboration in oil, gas, and renewables.

• Shared Regional Leadership: Joint infrastructural and developmental initiatives can drive economic growth across Africa.

A Vision for the Future
Despite historical and contemporary challenges, the Nigeria-South Africa partnership remains a cornerstone of African diplomacy. The 25th anniversary of the Bi-National Commission serves as an opportunity to recalibrate their relationship and unlock its potential for mutual and continental benefits.

As Thabo Mbeki poignantly remarked:
“We share a common destiny as Africans. Only through unity and cooperation can we rise above our challenges and achieve greatness.”
This sentiment captures the essence of Nigeria-South Africa relations—a partnership poised to redefine Africa’s trajectory toward peace, prosperity, and global relevance.

Sunday Dare
Special Adviser, to the President on Media and Public Communications

Continue Reading

Opinions

Measuring national progress, NBS data, and scepticism

Published

on

Bayo Onanuga

By Bayo Onanuga

Recent reports from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) have become a focal point of criticism and scepticism, especially by the political opposition and perpetual doubters of any positive report about our country.

In its Q2 labour survey report, the NBS says the unemployment rate fell from 5.3 % in Q1 to 4.3% in Q2. Compared to the unemployment rate of 5.3% in Q4 2022, the report shows some progress, as it also indicates lower level of youth unemployment.

The NBS also reported that GDP growth in the third quarter rose to 3.46% year-on-year in real terms, higher than the 2.54% recorded in Q3 2023 and above the second quarter growth of 3.19%.

The report stated that the GDP’s performance in the third quarter of 2024 was driven mainly by the Services sector, which recorded a growth of 5.19% and contributed 53.58% to the aggregate GDP. The agriculture sector grew by 1.14%, from the growth of 1.30% recorded in the third quarter of 2023. The industry sector’s growth was 2.18%, an improvement from 0.46% recorded in the third quarter of 2023.

“In terms of share of the GDP, the services sector contributed more to the aggregate GDP in the third quarter of 2024 compared to the corresponding quarter of 2023.

“In the quarter under review, aggregate GDP at basic price stood at N71,131,091.07 million in nominal terms. This performance is higher than the third quarter of 2023, which recorded an aggregate GDP of N60,658,600.37 million, indicating a year-on-year nominal growth of 17.26%.

Amid a singer’s uninformed opinion that went viral on social media that our country’s economy is in shambles, the NBS sounded positive, reporting that the economy is improving, as proven by the successive growth from Quarter one of 2024 up until Quarter 3.

Ordinarily, such positive reports should elicit hope and joy that our country’s economy is getting out of the woods, but they were instead met with skepticism from some quarters.

Unfounded allegations by critics that the data was manipulated fail to recognise the transparent and robust methodologies employed by the NBS. These methodologies are continually reviewed and improved to ensure reliability, providing a solid foundation for the data presented.

In contrast, when the NBS reported that inflation figures rose, these same voices quickly endorsed the report, illustrating some Nigerians’ selective acceptance of data based on preconceived narratives and confirmation bias rather than its authenticity.

It is crucial to emphasise that the NBS operates as an independent entity committed to providing accurate and objective data. These statistics are not mere numbers; they are derived from comprehensive research and analysis, reflecting the multifaceted realities of our national economy. The processes align with global best practices, and the bureau’s methodologies are continually reviewed and improved to ensure reliability.

Moreover, the positive economic indicators should be viewed as milestones in the ongoing efforts by the Tinubu administration to strengthen Nigeria’s economy. The figures by NBS reflect that a combination of government initiatives is yielding fruits, boosting the service sector and the stock and bond market, creating jobs, and driving sustainable growth. These developments, sooner than later, will translate into improved living standards, increased job opportunities, and a more robust economy for all Nigerians.

While challenges remain, dismissing progress in a knee-jerk manner, as some Nigerians do, negates the hard work of the government and the private sector, which contributed to these achievements.

The same way some Nigerians dismiss and deride economic data is very prevalent on the judicial front and in the work of the Independent National Electoral Commission. When a politician wins an election or a legal case, the singsong is that it has been a fair contest and justice has been delivered; however, when a candidate or party loses, the supporters binge on derision against INEC or the judges. Only recently, a prominent Nigerian went abroad to dismiss the 2023 election as a travesty because his candidate did not win the poll or the legal challenge instituted.

As Nigerians, we must respect our judicial system, even when the outcome does not favour us. The symbol of justice is a pendulum, and judges uphold justice based on the rule of law, without public pressure or sentiment. Accusations of corruption, whenever verdicts defy personal expectations, undermine the integrity of our courts and the democratic principles we cherish. We must turn the page over these matters and stop clinging to skepticism when presented with favourable data reflecting our nation’s progress. Those who truly want Nigeria to become a great country we all claim we seek will not use every opportunity to take out the flames of national progress. While the challenges remain and are being addressed, we must always recognise and celebrate every progress.

– Onanuga is Special Adviser to President Tinubu on Information and Strategy

Continue Reading

Trending

Copyright © 2024 Naija Gatekeeper News