Opinions
The Genesis Of The Struggle For Ekiti State: Setting The Record Straight By Adedayo Ogunleye
The struggle for the creation of Ekiti State out of the old Ondo State started in 1980. Ekiti people, living in the old Ondo State which had been four years earlier in 1976, had become disillusioned about their fate in the State.
The proliferation of different versions of history emerging out of what appears to be a subtle attempt at revisionism is what spurred this intervention of mine. Having had the rare opportunity to have been briefed orally by one of the pioneering lights of the struggle for the emergence of our beloved Ekiti State and having examined rare historical documents that detail the events that transpired at the time, it is necessary to bring the facts of this all-important part of our collective history as a State to public consciousness once and for all.
The struggle for the creation of Ekiti State out of the old Ondo State started in 1980. Ekiti people, living in the old Ondo State which had been four years earlier in 1976, had become disillusioned about their fate in the State, what with the visible lopsidedness and disparities in the allocation of public amenities between the Ekiti and non-Ekiti divisions of the State. There was glaring evidence that the non-Ekiti division, particularly, Akure, Owo and Ondo were the privileged communities within the state and apart from this obvious lopsidedness, the anti-Ekiti disposition of the Governor, late Chief Michael Adekunle Ajasin was becoming palpable, visible and increasingly intolerable to top Ekiti functionaries in the Ajasin administration. The agitation for Ekiti State therefore commenced as a natural reaction to these factors.
Before I go further, it is instructive to clearly state from the outset that the creation of a new State and Boundary Adjustment under the 1979 Constitution was purely a legislative exercise. Section 8 (1) (a) (i), (ii) & (iii) of the 1979 Constitution clearly sets out the procedure & requirements for State creation. For the avoidance of doubt, Section 8 (1) (a) (i), (ii) & (iii) of the 1979 Constitution provides:
“An Act of the National Assembly for the purpose of creating a new state shall only be passed if:-
(a) A REQUEST supported by at least two-thirds majority of members (representing the area demanding the creation of the new State) in each of the following, namely—
(i) the Senate and House of Representatives,
(ii) the House of Assembly in respect of the area, and
(iii) the local government councils in respect of the area,
IS RECEIVED BY the National Assembly…” (emphasis intentional).
From the foregoing, it is clear that (1) members of the executive arm of governments had no constitutional role in the creation of a new state and (2) state creation was the exclusive and sole function of the legislature. Around this time in 1980, there was a socio-cultural group called Ekiti Union which paraded the membership of prominent Ekiti people like the late Chief J.E. Babatola (Olora); late Chief (Hon.) Bode Kumapayi and late Chief (Hon.) Ayodele Morakinyo. These personages were top UPN barons from Ekiti who had personally witnessed Ajasin’s anti-Ekiti disposition. The Ekiti Union was a group committed to the interest of Ekiti. Therefore, in view of the unambiguous Constitutional provision laid out above on State creation, this group was convinced on the need and feasibility of the idea of Ekiti Statehood. The arrowhead of this group was the late Hon later (Chief) Morakinyo of Ikere-Ekiti, a highly cerebral lawyer and prominent Member of the then State House of Assembly. Being a lawyer, he understood the purport of this Constitutional provision clearly. Consequently, the first step taken by this group was to set up what was called “Ekiti State Creation Movement” to champion this noble cause. Owing to age and his aristocratic clout, late Chief Babatola was declared the Patron of this Movement while late Chief (Hon) Bode Kumpayi was appointed as Chairman and late Hon. Morakinyo became the Secretary. The Ekiti State Creation Movement holds the sole distinction as the group responsible for pioneering and championing the Ekiti peoples’ struggle to have a State of their own, spearheading the agitation for the creation of Ekiti State from 1980-1983. It is also an irrefutable historical fact that this Movement rallied Ekiti people behind this noble cause and held mass meetings at different venues across Ekitiland like Eki Cinema, Ado-Ekiti, Cooperative Hall, Ifaki-Ekiti and other venues in Ekiti communities.
In compliance with Section 8 (1) (a) (i), (ii) & (iii) of the 1979 Constitution set out above on the need to forward a request by way of a Memorandum requesting for the proposed State, Hon. Morakinyo, a vibrant legislator in the then Ondo State during the Second Republic personally authored the first and original Memorandum addressed to the Second Republic National Assembly requesting the National Assembly to “set in motion all necessary machinery for the purposes of creating a new State known as Ekiti State.” This Memorandum was titled: “THE PROPOSED EKITI STATE” and was dated 9th May, 1980 with Reference Number: EX/1/1. This historic document detailed the history of Ekitiland, her people & her culture, her physical geography, her economic viability, her location & size, her population, her homogeneous nature, the constituent local governments of the proposed State, socio-economic advantages of the proposed State, representation in Nigeria’s legislatures & the unanimity of the Ekitis.
At this stage, a fundamental issue to be considered was how to get all the State & Federal legislators from Ekiti to sign this Memorandum in strict compliance with Section 8 of the 1979 Constitution. At great personal risk, Chief Morakinyo took the copies of this Memorandum round the legislative houses, both the Senate & House of Representatives, then in Lagos & the State House of Assembly in Akure and ensured that this Memorandum was signed by Ekiti legislators in compliance with the 1979 Constitution. Some of these legislators are still alive. Prof. Banji Akintoye, a Senator at the time, is still alive; Hon. Francis Aladejebi of Ikere is alive & some others. This fact of history can be verified from these sources. Reference can also be made to pages 209, 210, 211, 212 & 213 of Afe Babalola’s autobiography: “Imposibility Made Possible”) and pages 20, 21, 22, 23, 24 & 25 of the book “Royal Input into the Creation of Ekiti State” written on Ekiti State creation by His Highness, Alayeluwa, Oba G. O. Adeniyi Ojikutu II, the Oba-Nla of Ijesa-Isu Ekiti, for corroboration of these assertions.
In strict compliance with Section 8 of the 1979 Constitution, this Memorandum which was addressed to the Chairman, Senate Committee on Creation of State through the Clerk of the National Assembly was presented to the National Assembly Committee on State Creation. Upon receipt of this Memorandum, the National Assembly Committee on State Creation despatched a 27-member Investigating Panel to Ondo State House of Assembly for fact-finding & investigation. This panel visited Ondo State on Tuesday, 18th May, 1982 to authenticate the signatures on the Memorandum, identify the signatories in person and interview aspirants on the justification for requesting for the creation of Ekiti State. This august event was held at Committee Room 1, Ondo State House of Assembly Complex, Alagbaka, Akure, Ondo State.
It is instructive to state here that after completing its assignment with the Members of the Ondo State House of Assembly, the National Assembly Committee on State Creation formally intimated the Ekiti State Creation Movement on the necessity for including the signatures of caretaker councilors in the Ekiti local governments. Hitherto, the Movement had thought, and rightly so, that Section 8 of the 1979 Constitution did not intend or apply to “caretaker” councillors. Most requests of that nature then did not include the councillors as most Nigerians for one reason or another assumed that the Section applied only to “elected” councillors. Consequently, the Ekiti State Creation Movement wrote a letter dated 21st May, 1982, to all caretaker councillors in the eight (8) local governments in Ekitiland on the necessity of appending their signatures & requesting them to append their signatures on an ADDENDA to the 9th May, 1980 Memorandum. This ADDENDA, dated 25th May, 1982 was consequently signed by all caretaker councillors in the eight (8) local governments in Ekitiland. On Thursday, 27th May, 1982, the caretaker councillors who have now all appended their respective signatures on the ADDENDA proceeded to the National Assembly in Lagos with the Ekiti State Creation Movement for further authentication of their signatures.
It is necessary to state at this juncture that in the original Memorandum dated 9th May, 1980 & forwarded to the National Assembly, there was no mention of the Capital of the proposed State. Therefore, this ADDENDA of 25th May, 1982 served two fundamental purposes, viz:
(i) To incorporate the signatures of all caretaker councillors across the eight (8) local governments in Ekitiland as contemplated by the 1979 Constitution; &
(ii) To incorporate/reflect the consensus of opinion in Ekitiland that the Capital of the proposed State should be in Ado-Ekiti. This ADDENDA was equally forwarded to the National Assembly Committee on Creation of States. All these historic documents were authored by late Chief Morakinyo.
The implication of this is that the ADDENDA thus became part & parcel of the original Memorandum for the creation of Ekiti State dated 9th May, 1980. The 27-member Panel of the National Assembly Committee on States’ Creation that visited Ondo State House of Assembly on Tuesday, 18th May, 1982 on a fact-finding mission found Ekiti’s request meritorious and sent its Report to the then Senate President, Dr. Joseph Wayas who later endorsed same to President Sheu Shagari. Going by the tempo of the agitation in 1980-1983, the creation of Ekiti State would have materialized but for the 1983 coup-de-tat that ushered in the Buhari/Idiagbon junta and put paid to this dream.
When the agitation was renewed in 1991-1996, the Movement of 1980 joined forces with other groups & illustrious sons of Ekiti to form the Council for the Creation of Ekiti State which had prominent Ekiti Obas & met regularly at the palace of His Majesty, the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti until Ekiti was eventually created on 1st October, 1996. The first Memorandum of 9th May, 1980 & the ADDENDA of 25th May, 1982 which incorporated the consensus of opinion in Ekiti that Ado-Ekiti should be the Capital of the proposed State were later submitted again along with the Memorandum dated 9th January, 1996 to the State Creation, Local Government & Boundary Adjustment Committee in 1996. For corroboration, please see the address delivered at the meeting with Members of State Creation, Local Government and Boundary Adjustment Committee on Wednesday, 6th day of March, 1996 by Chief Afe Babalola, SAN). See also pages 137-139, particularly, paragraph 2.2 of page 139 of “A Royal Input into the Creation of Ekiti State” by His Royal Majesty, Oba G.O. Adeniyi Ojikitu II, the Oba-Nla of Ijesa-Isu-Ekiti.
As earlier stated, the purpose of this piece is to preserve the accurate history of our beloved Ekiti for posterity by rightly and accurately situating the various roles of the eminent Ekiti personages involved in the saga. The ‘criminal’ removal of history lessons from the Nigerian school curriculum makes this intervention all the more necessary for as brilliantly stated by the foremost American novelist Robert Heinlein, “a generation which ignores history has no past and no future”.
Adedayo Ogunleye, an International Development consultant, scholar and history enthusiast, writes from Abuja.
Opinions
Between Japan’s Kaizen philosophy and Nigeria’s National Values Charter
By Temitope Ajayi
Two days after DeepSeek took the world by surprise, a Financial Times report warned that the West should be worried by how China appears to be leading the Artificial Intelligence race.
Financial Times says the emergence of DeepSeek from the shadows, catching the West unawares, is a strong indication that China has mastered the art of ‘Kaizen’.
I recall that my first encounter with Kaizen, the philosophy that underpins the rise of Japan as the Asian economic powerhouse, is about 10 years now.
Societies like China, Japan, and South Korea that anchor their development models on their culture and value systems continue to break new grounds and are far ahead in innovation and human advancement.
At the heart of Japan’s success, especially in the manufacturing and service sectors, is the work ethics that are firmly rooted in the Kaizen philosophy. ‘Kaizen’ is a Japanese word that means continuous improvement or change for the better. The quest for excellence and attention to detail have been weaved into the social and moral fabrics of Japanese society as a matter of obligation.
It is this philosophy and social imperative that the Japanese take into product designs and execution. It is, therefore, not surprising that the world sees continuous improvement in every new edition of Japanese products like Toyota automobiles.
The concept of Kaizen became popular in the United States by the 1980s when it was discovered that the performance of Japanese companies was much better than their American counterparts. It became apparent that the difference between Japanese and American companies in terms of effectiveness and operational efficiency was the application of the Kaizen principle.
Kaizen philosophy is similar to the Yoruba Omoluabi ethos. Every major ethnic group and subculture in Nigeria and Africa has its own equivalent of such value systems.
We can only imagine our pace of development and progress as a country if we develop a national value system around the virtues of excellence, honour, and integrity. This means our workmen and women will pursue excellence as second nature in everything. Politicians will embrace public service as a matter of honour, and citizens will accept integrity as an article of faith in undertakings.
Our society is hemorrhaging as a result of value degradation. It is heartbreaking how badly we have drifted because we neglected our cultural values and practices that served as the guiding principles of society.
It is the responsibility of leaders at all levels to direct society to embrace enduring values that edify and promote human development. I believe we can still recover lost grounds. This is why the efforts being made by the Mallam Lanre Issa-Onilu-led National Orientation Agency to re-ignite a new wave of consciousness through the National Values Charter should be appreciated and promoted. The values charter has already been approved by the Federal Executive Council. President Bola Tinubu is leading this renewed effort to push value re-orientation to the forefront of public policy and national development agenda.
-Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media and Publicity
Opinions
Tinubu’s quest to overcome the power sector gridlock
By Temitope Ajayi
Angered by the appalling situation of Nigeria’s electricity supply sector over several decades of doing the wrong things by successive governments with no remedy in sight, even after hundreds of billions of public funds had been expended, President Muhammadu Buhari in 2018 chose a different path that had worked in other jurisdictions.
He reached out to the then German Chancellor Angela Merkel to help solve the protracted power gridlock in Nigeria. The discussion between the two leaders gave birth to the FG-Siemens Energy AG Presidential Power Initiative in 2019. Under the terms of the agreement of the Nigerian Electrification Roadmap, Siemens Energy would ramp up electricity generation in Nigeria to 25,000 megawatt in six years, in three phases, from an average of 4000 megawatts the country had been stuck with for decades.
President Buhari was quite bullish about the project such that he put it under the direct supervision of his office with his Chief of Staff, late Abba Kyari, as the directing officer. The former president who didn’t want the project to be derailed by bureaucratic bottlenecks and red-tape made sure all man-made obstacles and deliberate obstructions were bulldozed with Abba Kyari in charge.
The unfortunate demise of Kyari in 2020 arising from Covid-19 while in Germany to get the power project underway rolled back the speedy implementation of what would have been a game-changer in Nigeria’s elusive quest for a stable and reliable power supply. Nigeria’s economy had been blighted by years of poor electricity supply. From available records, Federal Government has spent over $30 billion dollars to revamp the sector in the last three decades without any substantial progress. The economy is run on generators with Nigerians spending a staggering $10billion dollars (N7.6 trillion) annually on petrol and diesel to run their generators including the cost of maintenance, according to a 2024 report, “Beyond Gensets: Advancing the energy transition in Lagos State” published by Sustainable Energy for All (SEforALL).
True to his campaign promise to build on the achievements of his predecessor across all sectors and improve on governance performance in areas where it is required, President Tinubu, in demonstration of his unshaken believe in continuity of governance, took on the FG-Siemens Power Project as part of his priority projects in the energy sector.
It is necessary to state that this all-important power project had suffered undue delays since July, 29, 2020 when the Federal Executive Council approved the payment of €15.21m and N1.708bn as part of Nigeria’s counterpart funding for the offshore and onshore components of the project.
Managing Director, Siemens Energy Nigeria, Seun Suleiman, was quoted as saying then that, “Siemens Energy is committed to working with the Federal Government of Nigeria through the FGNPowerCo to see a successful implementation of the presidential power initiative. We have successfully carried out a similar project in Egypt.
“This project will transform the energy landscape of the country, and we are grateful the government has entrusted us with this notable initiative. We are capable, and we will deliver excellent results.”
In 2021, FGN Power Company, the Special Purpose Vehicle established by the Federal Government of Nigeria for the implementation of the PPI, announced the commencement of the grid network studies and power simulation training for technical experts in the Discos, TCN, NAPTIN and NERC, including provision of specialized power simulation softwares for TCN, NERC and all Discos. By December 2024, more than 100 experts across the sector have been trained on power systems simulation and network planning with skills to better manage the grid operations at various levels.
In the same year 2021, the Federal Executive Council approved the contract for the supply of 10 mobile substations and 10 power transformers by Siemens Energy for quick reinforcement of the grid as part of the pilot Phase of the project. Reports by FGN Power Company indicate that all the equipment have since been supplied and installed across the country.
However, the overall pace of the project delivery in terms of meeting timelines has not been impressive.
On assumption of office, President Tinubu saw the need to continue with the project and how timely delivery can transform the power sector for a country that desperately needs a reliable power supply for industrialisation and grow its economy. The status of the project came up at a bilateral meeting between President Tinubu and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz during the latter’s working visit to Nigeria in August 2024 in Abuja. At a follow-up engagement in Dubai in December 2024 during COP28, the Nigerian Government and Siemens Energy AG signed an accelerated performance agreement aimed at expediting the implementation of the Presidential Power Initiative (PPI) to improve electricity supply in Nigeria. The agreement that was signed by Kenny Anuwe, Managing Director/CEO of FGN Power Company and Ms. Nadja Haakansson, Siemens Energy’s Senior Vice President and Managing Director for Africa, was witnessed by President Tinubu and Chancellor Scholz.
Under the accelerated performance agreement, Siemens Energy will see to the end-to-end modernization and expansion of Nigeria’s electric power transmission grid with the full supply, delivery, and installation of Siemens-manufactured equipment.
Furthermore, the agreement will ensure project sustainability and maintenance with full technology transfer and training for Nigerian engineers at the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN).
In a major demonstration of President Tinubu’s commitment to the power project and a positive shift towards execution, the President led the Federal Executive Council on December 16, 2024 to approve €161.3 million Euros for the execution of the contracts in the first batch of the Phase one of the projects across the country following earlier approval of the transaction by the Bureau of Public Procurement.
Addressing journalists after the FEC approval, an enthusiastic Minister of Power, Adebayo Adelabu, with the renewed vigour to deliver on the project said, “at the Federal Executive Council meeting, there were basically two approvals for the Federal Ministry of Power, as I presented. The first was actually an approval for the award of contract for engineering, procurement, construction and financing for the implementation of the 331 32 KV And 132 33 KV substations upgrade under Phase One of the Presidential Initiative, popularly known as the Siemens project consequent upon completion of the pilot phase of this project.
“So, the Federal Executive Council considered it necessary for us to move forward as promised by the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria at a meeting he held with the President of the Republic of Germany.”
The latest FEC approved scope of work includes upgrade of TCN substations in five locations of Abeokuta (330/132/33kV), Ayede (330/132/33kV), Offa (132/33kV), Onitsha (330/132/33kV) and Sokoto (132/33kV). These substations were carefully selected as Batch 1 of the brownfield scope of the Phase 1 projects to increase the wheeling capacity of the transmission network grid.
In the same vein, FGN Power Company will implement assets upgrade and enhancement in the distribution networks, in collaboration with the Distribution Companies (Discos) to ensure last-mile delivery of the evacuated power to industrial customers and residential consumers. These locations are load centres that are currently underserved and require swift enhancements. The execution of the project will be fast tracked and completed under the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration.
It’s important to state that the FGN Power Company has started working on other priority brownfield and Greenfield projects in target load centres across the country. Special attention is also being paid to the execution of systems and products to enhance grid resilience and stability to reduce the frequent occurrences of grid disturbances.
In December 2024, Minister of Power Adelabu commissioned the mobile substation in Saapade, a suburb of Shagamu in Ogun State. This has enhanced power evacuation and delivery to industrial customers within the Shagamu hub. Similarly, another mobile substation was commissioned at the Ajibode area of the University of Ibadan to enhance power delivery to the university community and adjoining areas. Before then, mobile substations and power transformers have been commissioned and energized in Ajah Lagos, Mando Kano, Jebba Kwara State, Okene Kogi, Amukpe Delta, Potiskum Yobe, Apo Abuja and Ihovbor Edo.
While the implementation of the Presidential Power Initiative is going on, President Tinubu has equally inaugurated the Presidential Metering Initiative, which aims to increase the rate of smart metering of all customers in a commercially sustainable manner. The roll out of the metering solutions has started. It is expected that the combined impact of assets upgrade through Presidential Power Initiative (PPI) and metering through the Presidential Metering Initiative (PMI), coupled with efforts of subnational electricity markets will bring lasting solutions to the challenges of electricity supply in Nigeria.
With President Tinubu’s committed leadership, the parlous state of the power sector will be reversed, and Nigerians and the economy will experience a new lease of life with reliable electricity supply that will geometrically increase productive activities. Indeed, the president’s strategic approach to resolving the multifaceted challenges in the power sector is yielding visible results. The restructuring of the tariff regime, intervention in the commercial imbroglio on gas supply, additional investments in infrastructure through PPI, enactment of the new Electricity Act which provides legal framework for further decentralisation of the sector and devolution of more responsibilities to the subnational governments, are all part of the renewed hope agenda for the power sector to bring sustainable solutions.
-Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media and Publicity
Opinions
Kemi Badenoch: It’s time for a Rethink
By Tunde Rahman
Kemi Badenoch’s ill-advised denigration of Nigeria has refused to go away. Her belittlement of the country of her ancestry is still generating passionate public discourse within and outside the media space, and it appears the matter will not go away anytime soon.
Exasperated by Kemi Badenoch’s misguided attacks on Nigeria, Vice President Kashim Shettima recently counseled her to drop the Kemi in her name and bleach her ebony skin to white to further appease her Tory party and British establishment. And perturbed and seemingly lost by all that, my daughter, Kemi Mushinat, who recently graduated in Communication Studies, asked what was wrong with the name Kemi. There is nothing wrong with the name, I explained. But a lot is wrong with Kemi Badenoch (Nee Adegoke), the Leader of the British opposition Conservative Party, who opted to behave, as the Yoruba would describe it, “bi omo ale to fi owo osi ju we ile baba e”, meaning like a bastard who would go out to denigrate her ancestry by pointing the offensive finger at her roots.
Honour and dignity are inherent in the name Oluwakemi, indeed in any name. But what confers dignity, what glorifies a name, is the character the bearer brings into it. Kemi Badenoch left much to be desired, disparaging Nigeria, our motherland. She painted a gory picture of her growing up years in Nigeria from the middle of the 80s to around 1996, highlighting stories of poverty, infrastructure decay, decadence, corruption, police excesses, and leadership failure. Perhaps some of her narratives could be true, particularly in the time that immediately followed the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) misrule and the indiscretion of the emergent military regime. However, her stories reek of generalisations and prejudices often associated with most analyses by a section of Western media and commentators. They view Nigeria with their jaundiced lenses, describing the country as made of a Muslim North and Christian South, oblivious of the various Christian minorities in the North and, the plethora of Muslims in the South and the multiplicity of ethnic groups in the two divides that make a mockery of any analysis of a monolithic North or South. They view us Africans with many unproven, unorthodox assumptions.
My problem is with Mrs. Badenoch, an African, whichever way you slice it, and the character she has chosen. When Vice President Shettima lambasted her for demeaning Nigeria, Kemi Badenoch thought she had a clincher:
“I find it interesting that everybody defines me as Nigerian,” she said. “I identify less with the country than with the specific ethnicity (Yoruba). That’s what I am. I have nothing in common with the people from the North of the country, the Boko Haram where the Islamism is; those were our ethnic enemies and yet you end up being lumped in with those people.”
In that statement, the Tory leader disavowed Nigeria and excoriated the North but exalted the Yoruba. She repudiated the whole, attacking one part of the nation but embracing another. Kemi Badenoch grossly misfired, hiding under the finger of ethnic nationalism.
Perhaps it would have been pardonable if, for instance, she opposed Nigeria’s federal system and canvassed regionalism or confederacy. To condemn one race and elevate another is like playing one part against another. That utterance is dangerous in a diverse and volatile society like ours. The North (read the Hausa-Fulani, Kanuri, Tiv, Birom, Mangu, Ibira, Nupe, and many others who cohabit the entire Northern region) is no enemy of the Yoruba as Mrs Badenoch insinuated. The North voted massively for Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, a Yoruba man, to emerge president in 2023, as they did for the late Bashorun MKO Abiola, the winner of the annulled June 12 election in 1993. To label them the enemies of the Yoruba is condemnable.
Badenoch’s Yoruba roots emphasise good character and promote good neighbourliness, religious harmony, peaceful co-existence, respect for elders, and respect for other people’s rights. That is why Yoruba intermarry with members of different ethnic groups. It’s also commonplace in Yorubaland to find members of the same family having adherents of Islam and Christianity cohabiting together without any hassles. Boko Haram or its last vestiges poses a security challenge, perhaps a religious and sociopolitical challenge, for Nigeria, not just for the North or the North-east which is why the government and our armed forces have battled to a standstill and are still battling the insurgents.
Therefore, the values the UK Conservative leader espoused did not represent the Yoruba. They are not the values the Yoruba would showcase, uphold, and promote. Yoruba has a rich history of culture, tradition, leadership, and loyalty to constituted authority.
Mrs Badenoch’s formative years, which she derided with negative stories of decadence, perfidy, and corruption, were part of Nigeria’s dark periods when the military held the country and the people by the jugular.
Is Kemi Badenoch now giving the impression that nothing has changed in Nigeria, particularly in Lagos, where she grew up after birth in London? Is she giving the impression there have not been significant improvements in the standard of living and infrastructure, with the rehabilitation of existing roads and opening up of new ones; in transportation with the multi-modal system complemented by water transportation and now the rail system, among other things? Despite its challenges, there is no doubt there has been a remarkable development in Lagos from the foundation laid by then Governor Bola Ahmed Tinubu (now President Tinubu) from 1999 to 2007 till the present Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu to the point that Lagos has emerged as one of largest economies in Africa. Lagos State has made significant progress across all indices of development such that if it were a country, it would have ranked the sixth largest economy on the continent.
What has emerged in the entire Kemi Badenoch’s saga is her seeming double-face or multiple-face. When she was campaigning to represent her diverse Dulwich and West Norwood Constituency in the UK Parliament in 2010, she had appealed to the Nigerian community, comprising Yoruba, Hausa-Fulani and Igbo, under the aegis of “Nigerians for Kemi Badenoch,” pleading for help in the election. A campaign document that surfaced on social media showed she had reached out to all Nigerians in that constituency while highlighting her roots. In that document, Badenoch had said to her Nigerian supporters:
“I need your help. I’m running for parliament in the 2010 UK general elections. The race is very tight. Last year, the News of the World surveyed this constituency, and the forecast was that I would win. Things are much tougher this year as the party has dropped nationally in the polls. I need your help.
“I am asking for your help now to support a Nigerian trying to improve our national image and do something great here.”
After winning the election, however, she deployed her situation in Nigeria as a talking point to rally support for her policies, for which she was accused of exploiting her roots for political gains.
Her rhetoric has drastically changed with her emergence as the Leader of the Conservative Party. In the carriage, conduct and statements, she is now out to please the White establishment, particularly the White wing of her Conservative Party, subjugating her people to make Britain look good. She doesn’t mind running down anyone, including the Nigerian people and the British blacks generally.
Will this advance her politics or status? I do not think so. The British respect culture and tradition. Running down a country’s history and culture may not attract much attention. Britain also respects her relations with other countries, particularly Nigeria, given our age-long relationship. Nigeria is a significant trade and investment partner of the UK in Africa. According to the UK Department for Business and Trade, as of December 20 2024, the total trade in goods and services (exports plus imports) between the UK and Nigeria amounted to £7.2 billion in the four quarters up to the end of Q2 2024, an increase of 1.2% or £86 million in current prices from the four quarters to the end of Q2 2023.
Britain would not want to harm that substantial trade partnership and excellent relationship between the two countries in any way.
Also, several Badenoch’s Conservative Party members do not share her attitude towards Nigeria. In Zanzibar, I recently ran into Jake Berry, a top Tory Party member and former Cabinet member in the UK. While discussing the Badenoch matter, he said most Conservative Party members disagreed with her.
Kemi Badenoch has recorded an outstanding achievement in two decades of entering British politics. She joined the Conservative Party at the age of 25. Today, she stands not just as the Leader of the biggest party in Britain’s history but also as the highest black person in the United Kingdom. Her extraordinary accomplishment should have been used to inspire young people to achieve similar feats and as a foundation to inspire positive change in her country of origin, not to denigrate Nigeria or cause division and disaffection among her people. It is not too late for Mrs Badenoch to rethink and toe the line of rectitude.
-Rahman is Senior Special Assistant on Media Matters to President Tinubu.
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