Opinions

Lest Nigerian Youths Be Deceived By Obasanjo’s Sanctimony And Revisionism

Published

2 years ago

January 2, 2023

By Dele Alake

On the whole, the latest epistolary misadventure by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo is a gratuitous insult on the collective intelligence of Nigerians. In particular, his laborious attempt to prey on the innocence of much younger generation constitutes a grievous assault on public morality, seeking to force morsels of sheer falsehood down the throats of a demography perhaps too young to comprehend events which Obasanjo furiously tried to misrepresent.

It is noteworthy that it was the Obasanjo administration that abolished the teaching of history in Nigerian schools ostensibly to aid this kind of historical revisionism he routinely engages in; a decision now happily reversed by the President Muhammadu Buhari government.

Contestants for the presidential office in Nigeria routinely consult with and court Obasanjo , not because of his electoral value which is minuscule, but out of respect for his status as a former Head of State. It is, however, obvious that the man himself has no respect for that status, as he continuously embroils himself in partisan politics in a most pretentious and dishonest manner and refuses to rise to the demands of statesmanship.

In the statement entitled “My Appeal To All Nigerians Particularly Young Nigerians”, General Obasanjo rtd plumbed into new depth in hubris and hypocrisy never seen in all his career as political busybody after office who seems to see Nigeria as a movie where only he is the all-conquering hero while others are doomed villains. Some psychoanalysts are wont to diagnose this Obasanjo’s peculiar political affliction as post-power-withdrawal-syndrome (PPWS): false omniscience compounded by chronic inability to accept the reality of being out of political office.

Even in the US, whose variant of presidential system of government we practise, former Presidents maintain a decorous distance from government after office, opting wisely not to be a distraction to their successors. Not so the meddlesome Obasanjo.

That same mindset led him to stab MKO Abiola in the back in faraway Harare, Zimbabwe, by saying he was not “a messiah” even when most Nigerians had started viewing the winner of the June 12 polls of 1993 as the symbol of democracy after the annulment. It soon came to light that whereas a group of retired generals including Muhammadu Buhari and Theophilus Danjuma were resolute in their call for the de-annulment through the platform of a “committee of elders”, Obasanjo, the supposed “convener”, was said to have plotted the floating of an “interim government” to replace the now discredited Babangida regime.

While Obasanjo’s right to support any candidate of his choice in the forthcoming presidential polls must be recognized as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution, how condescending of him to decree his preference on Nigerians based on a cocktail of bare-faced lies and crude revisionism. In fact, there’s a widespread allegation that the latest gambit by the political busybody of Ota is part of a larger nefarious scheme to incite disorder around the country with a view to clearing the grounds for the resurrection of his favourite contraption: interim national government (ING) !

Third term agenda

Contrary to his posturing as a democrat who came to office for the second time at a questionable age 62 and left at 70, Obasanjo’s feverish gamble for life presidency between 2005 and 2006 was actually thwarted by a pro-democracy coalition of progressives like Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and several others.

Bribes ranging from N50m to N100m (amounting to whopping N20bn of public funds) were allegedly handed over to federal lawmakers to approve a clause smuggled into the list of amendments proposed by a “confab” (hurriedly set up by Obasanjo), removing the cap on the two-term limit enshrined by the 1999 constitution. Despite the outrage expressed across the land, Obasanjo had soldiered on through his battalion of political foot soldiers. But on the day the contentious bill was to be decided, the lawmakers voted their conscience and stood firm on the side of Nigerians against Obasanjo’s imperial life presidency ambition.
Is it not therefore ironic that a man unwilling to vacate Aso Rock at 70 (in 2007) is now moralizing against anyone above age 70 aspiring for the same office today? It’s always been known that Obasanjo suffers deep insecurities manifesting in his “Mr. Too Know” antics. But never did anyone imagine that the chicken farmer would carry his accustomed charlatanism as far as arrogating medical expertise to himself as to now also be certifying who is fit or not for the rigor of office through nothing but the estimation of the eyes based on “my own personal experience”.

Obasanjo’s waste versus Buhari’s prudence

While it can be said that prevailing anaemic circumstances of the world economy in 2015 were not quite favorable to the Buhari administration upon takeoff, we make bold to say that, contrary to doomsday scenario painted by Obasanjo, President Muhammadu Buhari has been more prudent in the management of the little the country has earned. How ironic that Buhari that inherited a wrecked economy in 2015 from PDP under the influence of Obasanjo is now being blamed for the hardship suffered by Nigerians, hardship that truly resulted from systemic damage inflicted by PDP’s 16 years of sustained squandermania. Discerning Nigerians surely know better. They can see and feel the relief brought about by Buhari’s rail revolution, massive investment in infrastructure like the second Niger Bridge and numerous roads built or reconstructed across the country. However, despite that oil price averaged $100 per barrel for most of the Obasanjo years and two subsequent PDP administrations, Nigeria has very little or nothing to show for it, other than tales of bare-faced looting and waste for 16 years.

Under Obasanjo’s watch, a senate panel found that national assets — indeed our common patrimony built from independence in 1960 — worth $100bn were auctioned to cronies and fronts at a ridiculous $1.3bn through a dubious privatization programme. This constituted the root of the massive joblessness in the country.

Also, House of Reps committee found that Obasanjo wasted $16bn on the so-called power projects. Rather than electricity, Nigerians experienced worst darkness. According to his deputy then and incidentally the present PDP’s flag bearer, Atiku Abubakar, “In some cases, some contractors were paid 100 percent of the contract sum’’ …without performance !
So pervasive was sleaze under Obasanjo that Atiku, while testifying before another senate committee in 2007, revealed that his boss was fond of “sending handwritten notes to PTDF (Petroleum Trust Development Fund) to release money to buy vehicles for his girlfriends”.

In one last act of moral, political and financial atrocity in 2007, Obasanjo literally commandeered captains of industry and PDP governors to Ota to raise over N7bn for the building of his personal library (memorably dubbed “Presidential Laundromat” by Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka).
For a man who enrolled in PDP in 1998 with only N20,000 reportedly in his bank account after a stint in prison, Obasanjo left power in 2007 stupendously wealthy with vast farm estates in many states and private university.

False claim of mentorship

Typically, megalomaniac Obasanjo lied that the leading presidential candidates who had visited him addressed him as “mentor” and that, according to him, their respective quest for the No 1 job in the land was to continue where he stopped his “good work”. We presume that included Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. It is another shameless lie by a meddlesome interloper in an orgy of self-adulation.

To start with, many will easily recall that the same Obasanjo had issued a statement shortly after the APC candidate paid him a courtesy call months back categorically stating that the visit was “non-political” in response to “misconception in a section of the media”. So, how come this contradiction now? In any case, keen watchers of political events will attest that Tinubu’s accustomed progressive leaning is antithetical to Obasanjo’s imperial messianism. It is an ideological contestation dating back to 1999.

All through Obasanjo’s eight-year imperial presidency, Tinubu’s fidelity to progressive ideology led him to challenge Obasanjo’s excesses through the instrumentality of the courts and constitutionalism. Indeed, through constant diligent litigations, Lagos under Tinubu was able to win over 13 landmark cases against the federal government at the Supreme Court that not only enriched constitutionalism but also extended the frontiers of federalism in Nigeria.

Tinubu’s opposition also manifested in his refusal to be deceived by Obasanjo’s antics in 2003 in the latter’s desperation to capture the South-west and end his personal shame as a President without political home-base. It is on record that Tinubu emerged the only Yoruba governor who survived Obasanjo’s onslaught against the entire South West. Ever so treacherous, Obasanjo betrayed the other five AD governors by rigging them out of office, with Tinubu becoming “the last man standing”.

His petty hatred for Asiwaju and lack of vision led him into scuttling the first-of-its-kind Independent Power Project (IPP) initiated by Lagos State in 1999. It also explained Obasanjo’s illegal withholding of councils fund belonging to Lagos for over two years following the creation of 37 additional council areas. Even after the Supreme Court ruling directed the release, Obasanjo continued his unconstitutional perfidy of withholding the state’s local government revenue, to punish Lagos. The funds were not released until President Umar Yar’Adua assumed power in 2007.

Indeed, the redrawing of Nigeria’s electioneering calendar is a testament of Obasanjo’s rigging inclination. Today, off-season governorship contests are organised by INEC in states like Edo, Osun, Ekiti, and Kogi due to the theft of popular mandate under Obasanjo’s watch, having declared the 2007 polls a “do or die” for his party. In Edo, Osun and Ekiti in particular, it is a well-known fact that Tinubu spear-headed the struggle to retrieve the stolen mandates through the court. So, how could Obasanjo therefore list Tinubu among his “mentees” who wish to continue where he “stopped”?

He mischievously twisted Tinubu’s ‘Emilokan’ statement before the APC presidential primaries out of context in a futile bid to de-market the APC candidate. The very poor understanding of that phrase by a supposed Yoruba (?) man will only fuel doubts already expressed in some informed quarters about Obasanjo’s roots. Tinubu made his statement within the context of the internal dynamics of APC , and the fact that he later emerged as candidate by an overwhelming majority shows that his claims are infallible. Nobody worked as hard as Tinubu to win the support of delegates during the primaries and today he is second to none in aggressively seeking the support of voters across the country to achieve success in next month’s elections. Ironically, the only concrete reason Obasanjo offers for supporting Peter Obi is that it is “the turn” of the South-East! What a contradiction!!

Capacity to identify and nurture leaders

It is laughable that Obasanjo has the temerity to deem himself qualified to lecture Nigerians on who to elect as a leader. Throughout his political trajectory in public life, he has unfailingly demonstrated gross incompetence in this regard. In 1979, his military regime was designed to produce the weakest leadership in a political terrain that had such proven leadership talents as Adamu Ciroma, Aminu Kano, Maitama Sule, Waziri Ibrahim, Nnamdi Azikwe or Obafemi Awolowo among others. In 2007, after his two-term tenure and the failure of his third term agenda, he influenced the emergence of two PDP successors who failed partly because of weak institutional foundation he had laid and partly because of their own limitations. Obasanjo in a fit of mindless hypocrisy claims that strength and vitality are requirements for the presidency but was the same man who knew of the late good man Umaru Yar a dua’s terminal condition and still used the coercive agencies of state to impose him on Nigeria ! The late president Yar adua himself publicly acknowledged that the 2007 election under Obasanjo was extremely flawed . This is in sharp contrast to Lagos State where the Tinubu administration designed a 25-year development Masterplan for the state and inspired a succession of competent leaders who not only sustained but also improved on the legacies of Tinubu’s administration, making Lagos the fastest growing in Nigeria and the 5th largest economy in Africa today.
In endorsing Obi, Obasanjo resorted to verbose and nebulous generalities without telling Nigerians in concrete terms what were his preferred candidate’s track record of performance as governor in Anambra state.

The shame of Anambra

Perhaps the most laughable of the megalomaniac stunts by Obasanjo was naming Peter Obi among his “mentees”. Older Nigerians and just anyone old enough to comprehend series of abominable occurrences on the political landscape around 2003 must have reacted to such claim with derisive laughter and guffaw. It is perhaps a reflection of Obasanjo’s penchant to prey on the poor memory of the average Nigerian that he now seeks to dress Obi, his one-time victim, as a “mentee”. Given the well-known facts of history, many are left wondering if it was not the same Obi that Obasanjo’s thuggish enforcer, Chris Uba, robbed of Anambra governorship in 2003. It took the refusal of Dr. Chris Ngige to surrender Anambra’s treasury to Obasanjo’s surrogates (Chris Uba and co) for Nigerians to know that the polls were rigged in favour of PDP in Anambra at the expense of APGA’s Peter Obi. While the dirty fight lasted between the electoral robbers in Anambra, the police were implicated in a botched attempt to kidnap the then sitting Anambra governor and force him to resign from office. When that failed, hapless people of Anambra woke up one morning soon afterward to witness a reign of terror unleashed on Awka, the state capital, with Government House and other government structures either razed or vandalized by armed thugs. Fingers were pointed at Chris Uba, the self-styled “godfather of all godfathers”. While the show of shame lasted, it came to light that the Uba was working for Obasanjo. When asked to clarify his relationship with Chris Ubah during a Presidential Chat transmitted live by NTA soon afterwards, Obasanjo shamelessly downplayed the infamy by describing him as an “enthusiastic party (PDP) supporter” in Anambra!

With this brazen attempt at revisionism by this political megalomaniac, discerning Nigerians are unlikely to miss the audacity of willful mendacity. This speaks to Obasanjo’s incorrigible penchant to always twist facts, manufacture lies to launder his dirty undergarment and project himself as Nigeria’s only messiah since independence.

But informed Nigerian voters surely can see through Obasanjo’s chicanery. That is why they will not heed his self-serving call. Rather, come February 25, they will go out in large numbers and vote Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as the only one among the present parade of candidates with the requisite capacity, competence and character to leap Nigeria from a country of potentials to one of greatness.

Obasanjo’s selfish plot to impose a puppet and regain his lost maniacal grip on power shall fail , again…just as his perfidious and pernicious third term agenda !

Alake , former commissioner for Information and Strategy Lagos State, is the Adviser Media, Communications and Public Affairs of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.

Opinions

10 ways the Tax Bills will make states richer

Published

1 week ago

December 4, 2024

Seyi Babalola

By Temitope Ajayi

Human beings naturally resist change. When comfortable where we are, we find it extremely difficult to embrace an uncharted path or seek greater glory. Those who are risk averse often don’t want to venture out to embrace unfamiliar territories no matter how tempting the possible reward may appear. We should not, however, be so imprisoned by the fear of the unknown not to explore new possibilities because we find our present circumstances satisfying enough.

Since the public debate around the Tax Reform Bills started, the strongest push back against it has come largely from the north. Borno State Governor, Professor Babagana Zulum has become the face of the resistance for the reasons he has pushed forward, even when some of them didn’t speak to the facts and provisions of the bills.

If Governor Zulum and other voices of resistance who think the states will be shortchanged had actually taken time to examine the four executive Bills, they will see how progressive and transformative the Bills are. They will also discern the thought behind them which is primarily to make both the Federal and sub-nationals fiscally stronger and buoyant.

In his public presentations and the most recent being the Channels TV Town Hall moderated by Seun Okinbaloye Monday evening, Chairman of Presidential Committee on Tax and Fiscal Policy Reforms, Taiwo Oyedele and other panelists again made convincing arguments for the passage of the Bills before the National Assembly.

Here are the 10 ways the Tax Bills will serve the states better and enhance their capacity to earn more revenue:

1. The federal government will cede 5% out of its current 15% share of VAT revenue to states.

2. The Bills will transfer income from the Electronic Money Transfer levy exclusively to states as part of stamp duties.

3. The Bills seek to repeal obsolete stamp duties law and re-enactment of a simplified law to enhance the revenue for states.

4. Under the new dispensation the Tax Bills will usher in, states will be entitled to the tax of Limited Liability Partnerships.

5. When passed by the National Assembly, the Tax Bills will enable the state government to enjoy tax exemption on their bonds to be at par with federal government bonds.

6. Under the proposed tax reform, states will enjoy a more equitable model for VAT attribution and distribution that will lead to higher VAT income.

7. Integrated tax administration will provide tax intelligence to states, strengthen capacity development and collaboration, and scope of Tax Appeal Tribunal to cover taxpayer disputes on state taxes.

8. The proposed tax laws grant powers for Accountant General of the Federation to deduct taxes unremitted by a government or MDA and pay to the beneficiary sub-national government on personal income tax of workers of federal institutions in states.

9. Framework to grant autonomy for states internal revenue service and enhanced Joint Revenue Board to promote collaborative fiscal federalism.

10. Legal framework for taxation of lottery and gaming and introduction of withholding tax for the benefit of states.

From the aforementioned, it is clear that the Tax Bills are not in any way injurious to the states. Apart from streamlining the tax system in Nigeria and catalysing economic output, the tax and fiscal policy reforms provide incentives for states to become economic powerhouses. The challenge for governors will be to put on their thinking cap by investing in manpower and critical social and physical infrastructure in their states that will support businesses and socio-economic activities to flourish.

-Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Publicity

Opinions

Forging Ahead: The Evolving Nigeria-South Africa Alliance

Published

1 week ago

December 3, 2024

Seyi Babalola

By Sunday Dare

As Nigeria and South Africa hold the 11th session of Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission, in Cape Town, on Tue Dec 3, 2024 it is trite to establish the contours of their relationship and to thank President Tinubu for keeping faith with Africa’s other big brother.
The radar on Nigeria again shifts to South Africa witnessing three weeks of unprecedented shuttle political and economic diplomacy.

President Bola Tinubu’s co-chairmanship of the 11th Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) alongside President Cyril Ramaphosa marks a significant diplomatic step towards fostering stronger bilateral ties.

This meeting, which coincides with the 25th anniversary of the BNC, underscores the importance of high-level engagements between Africa’s two largest economies.

As Nigeria and South Africa convene the 11th session of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) in Cape Town on Tuesday, December 3, 2024, it is imperative to reflect on the historical and evolving contours of their relationship. This milestone session, coinciding with the 25th anniversary of the BNC, serves as a testament to the resilience, ambition, and shared vision of Africa’s two largest economies. It is also a fitting moment to commend President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for his unwavering commitment to fostering robust ties with Africa’s other “big brother,” South Africa.

In the wake of three weeks of intense shuttle diplomacy spanning political and economic arenas, Nigeria’s radar is again fixed on South Africa. These engagements underscore a mutual recognition of their intertwined destinies in shaping Africa’s future.

As leaders, policymakers, and stakeholders converge in Cape Town, the air will be laden with both expectation and nostalgia—a poignant reminder of a partnership that has endured triumphs, challenges, and moments of historic significance.

One cannot but recall May 1990, when Nelson Mandela, few months after his release from Robben Island, embarked on a state visit to Lagos. That moment, etched in the annals of African solidarity, rekindled the bond between Nigeria and South Africa, catalyzing a renewed era of collaboration. It was a symbolic bridge, uniting the aspirations of two nations whose struggles and victories have defined the narrative of Africa’s journey toward liberation and unity.

This week, Cape Town becomes the stage for another chapter in this storied relationship. With the BNC serving as a platform for dialogue and cooperation, the two nations are poised to reaffirm their roles as co-architects of a continent driven by shared prosperity, peace, and purpose. Their ability to navigate the currents of history while embracing the opportunities of the future demonstrates that this partnership is, indeed, coming of age.

Established in 1999, the Nigeria-South Africa BNC is a structured platform aimed at enhancing cooperation across political, economic, and social sectors. Over the years, the commission has evolved into a key mechanism for dialogue, addressing shared challenges, and fostering sustainable development.

This year’s session, encompassing eight working groups, highlights both nations’ commitment to addressing mutual priorities: These key priorities include political consultations (ensuring stability in regional and global contexts), consular and migration Issues (addressing concerns such as xenophobia and facilitating smoother relations), banking and finance (exploring avenues for economic integration), defence and security (trackling transnational crimes and terrorism), as well as manufacturing and trade (including strengthening intra-African trade under the African Continental Free Trade Agreement, AfCFTA). Also covered are mines and energy (leveraging natural resources for mutual benefit, social sector development (promoting education, healthcare, and culture), and trade and Investment (expanding business opportunities for both nations).

The philosophical underpinnings for the BNC embodies principles of Pan-Africanism, Ubuntu, and liberal institutionalism, emphasizing unity, collective progress, and institutionalized cooperation. As Nelson Mandela aptly stated, “The greatest glory in living lies not in never falling, but in rising every time we fall.” This captures the essence of overcoming historical frictions to achieve a united African future.

President Tinubu’s leadership in this context is pivotal, reflecting Nigeria’s strategic role in Africa’s socio-economic and political landscape.

A discussion of the ongoing efforts would be incomplete without referencing philosophical concepts that accentuate its significance.
Rooted in the works of W.E.B. Du Bois, Kwame Nkrumah, and Julius Nyerere, Pan-Africanism emphasizes the solidarity of African nations to combat external domination and promote socio-economic progress. The BNC reflects this ideal by uniting Nigeria and South Africa as pillars of African development. As Kwame Nkrumah once said, “The forces that unite us are intrinsic and greater than the superimposed influences that keep us apart.”. This quote underscores the importance of Nigeria and South Africa overcoming historical challenges, such as xenophobia, to focus on collective progress.

The BNC’s deliberations and MoUs can be seen as an extension of this principle. According to Aristotle, “The good of the people must be the great aim of government.” The Southern African philosophy of Ubuntu, often translated as “I am because we are,” aligns with the spirit of the BNC. It emphasizes interconnectedness, mutual respect, and the collective good. Ubuntu offers a philosophical lens through which Nigeria and South Africa can navigate shared challenges and opportunities. As Desmond Tutu once reflected: “We can only be human together: hence, the essence of collaborative efforts in fostering a united African front.

Beyond these, the Dependency Theory, associated with scholars like Andre Gunder Frank, critiques the global economic system’s perpetuation of underdevelopment in the Global South. By strengthening intra-African trade and reducing reliance on foreign powers, Nigeria and South Africa can challenge these structures through platforms like the BNC. Joseph Stiglitz’s words that “Development is about transforming the lives of people, not just transforming economies,” aligns with the BNC’s goals of translating economic growth into meaningful societal impacts.

The pragmatic effort to address specific issues in trade, security, and development stresses the responsibility of both leaders to focus on concrete outcomes over rhetoric. More importantly, it refects the basic principles of African Renaissance. Championed by scholars like Cheikh Anta Diop and Thabo Mbeki, the African Renaissance envisions a continent reclaiming its rightful place in global affairs through unity, cultural revival, and economic development. The BNC is a practical manifestation of this vision.Certainly, Tinubu and Ramaphosa are evoking the shared identity and destiny of Nigerians and South Africans in fostering an African Renaissance. The BNC serves as a practical example of liberal institutionalism, fostering dialogue and collaboration in a structured manner. As Martin Luther King Jr once stated, “We must learn to live together as brothers or perish together as fools.” This underscores the imperative for sustained collaboration through institutions like the BNC.

Constructivism suggests that international relations are shaped by ideas, identities, and shared values rather than mere material factors. Therefore, the symbolic 25th anniversary of the BNC is a reflection of the shared identity and history of Nigeria and South Africa.
According to John Maynard Keynes, “The ideas of men, their dreams and visions, are much more powerful than material forces.” The role of shared visions in shaping Nigeria-South Africa relations cannot be over-emphasized.

Shared History

The history of Nigeria-South Africa relationship runs through the period of Anti-Apartheid Solidarity of 1960 – 1965, through Post-Apartheid engagement that started in 1999. Nigeria was a leading supporter of South Africa’s liberation movement. Between 1960 and 1995, Nigeria committed substantial financial and diplomatic resources to the anti-apartheid struggle, offering refuge and education to South African exiles like Thabo Mbeki.The Bi-National Commission, established in 1999, institutionalized bilateral cooperation. However, relations have faced challenges, including xenophobic attacks in South Africa and trade imbalances.

The current nature of the two countries’ economic relations shows that Nigeria’s oil exports and South Africa’s industrial expertise complement each other. Opportunities under AfCFTA and energy collaboration highlight the untapped potential of this relationship. Looking ahead, it is rather easy to see that with strong historical ties and shared visions, Nigeria and South Africa are well-positioned to lead Africa’s socio-economic transformation.

From Anti-Apartheid Solidarity to Economic Collaboration

The Nigeria-South Africa relationship is a tale of resilience, solidarity, and transformation, deeply rooted in shared historical, political, and economic narratives. As Africa’s largest economies, the two nations have carved distinct yet intertwined paths that highlight their roles as both leaders and collaborators in shaping the continent’s destiny. From Nigeria’s pivotal support during South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle to their evolving economic partnership, this relationship embodies the essence of African unity. Yet, it has not been without its challenges, marked by moments of friction and unresolved tensions.
The forthcoming 11th session of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) in Cape Town provides a fitting occasion to reflect on this storied partnership. With the backdrop of the 25th anniversary of the BNC, it is an opportune moment to examine how the two nations have evolved from their shared fight for justice to becoming co-architects of Africa’s economic and political renaissance.
The roots of the Nigeria-South Africa partnership lie in the era of apartheid, where Nigeria emerged as one of the most steadfast allies of the African National Congress (ANC) and other liberation movements in South Africa and Nigeria’s key contributions cover:

• Diplomatic Advocacy: Nigeria was a vocal opponent of apartheid on global platforms such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth, pushing for sanctions and isolating South Africa’s apartheid regime diplomatically.

• Financial and Material Aid: Under initiatives such as the “Mandela Tax,” successive Nigerian governments provided significant financial and logistical support to the ANC. Over the decades, Nigeria is estimated to have spent over $61 billion in its efforts to dismantle apartheid.

• Educational and Cultural Solidarity: Nigeria welcomed South African exiles and offered scholarships to ANC members, including figures like Thabo Mbeki, who studied and lived in Nigeria during apartheid. Nigerian universities served as sanctuaries for intellectual and political development for many South African activists.

• Civil Society Advocacy: Nigerian artists, intellectuals, and activists utilized literature, music, and advocacy to raise global awareness of the atrocities of apartheid and rally international solidarity.

Nigeria-South Africa relations in the post-apartheid era reflects collaboration, along with some measure of frictions. With apartheid dismantled in 1994 and Nelson Mandela’s election as South Africa’s first democratic president, the dynamic between the two nations transitioned from solidarity to collaboration. However, this new era was also punctuated by moments of tension.

Collaborative Achievements

• Institutional Frameworks: The establishment of the Bi-National Commission in 1999 formalized a structured approach to bilateral engagement.

• African Leadership: Both nations played pivotal roles in initiatives such as the African Union (AU) and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), advancing the African Renaissance.

• Economic Ties: South African corporations such as MTN, Shoprite, and Multichoice became prominent players in Nigeria’s economic landscape, fostering trade and investment.

Sources of Tension:

• Xenophobia: Recurrent xenophobic attacks on Nigerians living in South Africa have strained relations, spotlighting socio-economic grievances and perceptions of competition.

• Diplomatic Disputes: Occasional policy disagreements, such as South Africa’s visa denial to Nigerian officials during Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency, have highlighted gaps in mutual understanding.

• Trade Imbalance: While South African businesses thrive in Nigeria, Nigerian firms face significant barriers in South Africa, fueling perceptions of unequal benefits.

Pragmatic mutual exploration of trade and economic potentials has since taken over. As Africa’s two largest economies, Nigeria and South Africa are uniquely positioned to lead the continent’s economic transformation.
Current Dynamics.

• Trade Composition: Nigeria primarily exports crude oil and natural gas to South Africa, while South Africa exports machinery, manufactured goods, and processed foods.

• Investment Landscape: South African firms dominate in sectors like telecommunications (MTN), retail (Shoprite), and media (Multichoice).
Opportunities for Growth.

• Intra-African Trade: The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) presents opportunities for deeper trade integration, particularly in technology and industrial goods.

• Energy Partnerships: Nigeria’s energy surplus and South Africa’s demand create possibilities for collaboration in oil, gas, and renewables.

• Shared Regional Leadership: Joint infrastructural and developmental initiatives can drive economic growth across Africa.

A Vision for the Future
Despite historical and contemporary challenges, the Nigeria-South Africa partnership remains a cornerstone of African diplomacy. The 25th anniversary of the Bi-National Commission serves as an opportunity to recalibrate their relationship and unlock its potential for mutual and continental benefits.

As Thabo Mbeki poignantly remarked:
“We share a common destiny as Africans. Only through unity and cooperation can we rise above our challenges and achieve greatness.”
This sentiment captures the essence of Nigeria-South Africa relations—a partnership poised to redefine Africa’s trajectory toward peace, prosperity, and global relevance.

Sunday Dare
Special Adviser, to the President on Media and Public Communications

Opinions

Measuring national progress, NBS data, and scepticism

Published

2 weeks ago

November 29, 2024

Seyi Babalola

By Bayo Onanuga

Recent reports from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) have become a focal point of criticism and scepticism, especially by the political opposition and perpetual doubters of any positive report about our country.

In its Q2 labour survey report, the NBS says the unemployment rate fell from 5.3 % in Q1 to 4.3% in Q2. Compared to the unemployment rate of 5.3% in Q4 2022, the report shows some progress, as it also indicates lower level of youth unemployment.

The NBS also reported that GDP growth in the third quarter rose to 3.46% year-on-year in real terms, higher than the 2.54% recorded in Q3 2023 and above the second quarter growth of 3.19%.

The report stated that the GDP’s performance in the third quarter of 2024 was driven mainly by the Services sector, which recorded a growth of 5.19% and contributed 53.58% to the aggregate GDP. The agriculture sector grew by 1.14%, from the growth of 1.30% recorded in the third quarter of 2023. The industry sector’s growth was 2.18%, an improvement from 0.46% recorded in the third quarter of 2023.

“In terms of share of the GDP, the services sector contributed more to the aggregate GDP in the third quarter of 2024 compared to the corresponding quarter of 2023.

“In the quarter under review, aggregate GDP at basic price stood at N71,131,091.07 million in nominal terms. This performance is higher than the third quarter of 2023, which recorded an aggregate GDP of N60,658,600.37 million, indicating a year-on-year nominal growth of 17.26%.

Amid a singer’s uninformed opinion that went viral on social media that our country’s economy is in shambles, the NBS sounded positive, reporting that the economy is improving, as proven by the successive growth from Quarter one of 2024 up until Quarter 3.

Ordinarily, such positive reports should elicit hope and joy that our country’s economy is getting out of the woods, but they were instead met with skepticism from some quarters.

Unfounded allegations by critics that the data was manipulated fail to recognise the transparent and robust methodologies employed by the NBS. These methodologies are continually reviewed and improved to ensure reliability, providing a solid foundation for the data presented.

In contrast, when the NBS reported that inflation figures rose, these same voices quickly endorsed the report, illustrating some Nigerians’ selective acceptance of data based on preconceived narratives and confirmation bias rather than its authenticity.

It is crucial to emphasise that the NBS operates as an independent entity committed to providing accurate and objective data. These statistics are not mere numbers; they are derived from comprehensive research and analysis, reflecting the multifaceted realities of our national economy. The processes align with global best practices, and the bureau’s methodologies are continually reviewed and improved to ensure reliability.

Moreover, the positive economic indicators should be viewed as milestones in the ongoing efforts by the Tinubu administration to strengthen Nigeria’s economy. The figures by NBS reflect that a combination of government initiatives is yielding fruits, boosting the service sector and the stock and bond market, creating jobs, and driving sustainable growth. These developments, sooner than later, will translate into improved living standards, increased job opportunities, and a more robust economy for all Nigerians.

While challenges remain, dismissing progress in a knee-jerk manner, as some Nigerians do, negates the hard work of the government and the private sector, which contributed to these achievements.

The same way some Nigerians dismiss and deride economic data is very prevalent on the judicial front and in the work of the Independent National Electoral Commission. When a politician wins an election or a legal case, the singsong is that it has been a fair contest and justice has been delivered; however, when a candidate or party loses, the supporters binge on derision against INEC or the judges. Only recently, a prominent Nigerian went abroad to dismiss the 2023 election as a travesty because his candidate did not win the poll or the legal challenge instituted.

As Nigerians, we must respect our judicial system, even when the outcome does not favour us. The symbol of justice is a pendulum, and judges uphold justice based on the rule of law, without public pressure or sentiment. Accusations of corruption, whenever verdicts defy personal expectations, undermine the integrity of our courts and the democratic principles we cherish. We must turn the page over these matters and stop clinging to skepticism when presented with favourable data reflecting our nation’s progress. Those who truly want Nigeria to become a great country we all claim we seek will not use every opportunity to take out the flames of national progress. While the challenges remain and are being addressed, we must always recognise and celebrate every progress.

– Onanuga is Special Adviser to President Tinubu on Information and Strategy