By Tunde Rahman

As the leadership crisis rocking Rivers State escalated into the destruction of vital oil and gas infrastructure amid looming impeachment threats against Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his deputy Ngozi Odu, President Bola Tinubu wielded the big stick last Tuesday imposing a state of emergency on the oil rich state. He suspended the governor, his deputy and the inflexible state House of Assembly for a period of six months, and appointed former Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (rtd), as the administrator of the state. Following his inauguration on Wednesday, Ibas has begun the critical assignment. The ex-Naval chief has his job cut out for him. He has been called out of retirement to take charge of the affairs of the state and return Rivers to normalcy within six months. This is not a mean task. The retired Vice Admiral will have to summon all his courage as a soldier and be at his wits’ end to restore order and normalcy.

Expectedly, the declaration of emergency rule on Rivers sparked debate. It elicited criticisms from opposition elements, including the Peoples Democratic Party, and a motley crowd of disgruntled politicians being put together as a coalition group by former Vice President Atiku Abubakar. Being opposition politicians that they are, they failed to see the wisdom in President Tinubu acting promptly to save the state and the national economic infrastructure in Rivers. Though many know they are out to promote self-interests, they claim, however, that their grouse is the suspension of the governor, his deputy and the state assembly, contending that the President lacks such powers.

Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, which is the operative provision for the declaration of a state of emergency, to be fair, is silent on the fate of the governor in the face of emergency declaration.
Notably, the precedent set in our clime with respect to the fate of the governor during emergency rule is varied. When former President Olusegun Obasanjo imposed emergency rule on Plateau State in May 2004 following a surge in ethno-religious violence that led to widespread killings and destruction, he suspended then Governor Joshua Dariye and the state assembly for six months, and appointed Major-General Chris Alli (rtd) as administrator to restore order in the state. The same thing happened in Ekiti two years later when the state was engulfed in a protracted political crisis. President Obasanjo suspended then Governor Ayo Fayose, his deputy Mrs. Biodun Olujinmi, the state House of Assembly as well as Hon. Friday Aderemi, the then Speaker of the legislature who was claiming to be acting governor. He appointed retired Brigadier General Tunji Olurin to administer the affairs of the state and maintain security for the next six months.

In the case of former President Goodluck Jonathan, he declared emergency rule in selected local governments most impacted by Boko Haram terrorist attacks in Borno, Adamawa and Yobe States in 2013 without upending the political and democratic structures in the affected three states. President Jonathan also retained the chairmen in the impacted local government areas. Jonathan might have spared the three governors then and their houses of assembly because the emergency rule declared in the three states was limited to the most-impacted councils.

Regarding Plateau State emergency proclamation, the Supreme Court that would have set a clear precedent in the matter failed to determine the constitutionality or otherwise of the dissolution of democratic structures on the grounds that the suit was procedurally incompetent because it was instituted at the time by the suspended legislators in the name of Plateau without the authorisation of the state.
Some legal minds have referred to the Emergency Powers Act of 1961, which though no longer in use in the country but which provided justification for the dissolution of democratic structures and suspension of the fundamental human rights when emergency rule was declared on the Western Region in 1962 by the late Tafawa Balewa Government. It was in respect of two cases, namely Adegbenro vs. Attorney-General of the Federation (1962) NLR 338 and F.R.A.Williams vs Dr. M.A. Majekodunmi (1962) NLR 328, where the apex court in its judgment validated the Emergency Powers Act 1961 to justify the dissolution.

The logic in the Supreme Court verdict in the matter of Plateau State emergency proclamation is unquestionable going by the argument of legal icon Professor Koyinsola Ajayi (SAN), who spoke on Arise Television last Wednesday. According to him, “the justices of the Supreme Court in that judgement were of the view that they were never eager to review the decision of the President when confronted with a present and imminent danger to lives and property and acted to restore public order and public safety.”

Beyond the legal rigmarole, it would appear that what is germane in determining what happens to the democratic structures in a state during emergency rule period is the circumstance or situation in the state, the magnitude of the threat to public order and security of citizens and property in such a state. After all, no one remembers the provision of the law in an atmosphere of violence and disorder.

Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice Lateef Fagbemi (SAN) put the matter succinctly when he fielded questions from State House Correspondents on Wednesday. He said: “The government stands on the tripod: the Executive, the Legislature, and the Judiciary, and you (the governor) have made the functioning of government impossible. It is not enough for the Executive, to say, we are spending money, even the money you want to spend, the State Assembly must have appropriated it. These are some of the findings that the Supreme Court made. And at the end of the day, the Supreme Court said, or came to a decision, that the governor’s behaviour was like a despot, and that as the situation was, there was no government in Rivers. If there was no government in Rivers, what would we be looking for?”

Fubara overreached and outplayed himself. He got carried away by the sentimental support he enjoys, and not strategy. He felt that violence would give him what he threw away by not stooping low to win. When some militants issued threats to destroy oil pipelines and other critical infrastructure, the governor failed to dissuade them. In fact, he had said openly that he would tell the people when to act. And a week after, some oil installations went up in flames. No one needs a soothsayer to understand what enabled the destruction. The governor also prevented 27 lawmakers from performing their work and even demolished the state assembly complex. He moved the four lawmakers loyal to him to the Government House, where they usurped the legislative functions of the 32-member assembly.

Declaring emergency rule on Rivers, President Tinubu had said, among other things, in his address: “Some militants had threatened fire and brimstone against their perceived enemy of the governor who has up till now not disowned them. Apart from that, both the House and the governor have not been able to work together. Both of them do not realise that they are in office to work together for the peace and good governance of the state.”

Those criticising the declaration of emergency rule in Rivers on the grounds that President Tinubu, while in opposition, strongly condemned the emergency declaration by former President Jonathan in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe states conveniently forgot to mention Tinubu’s opposition to former Edo State Governor Godwin Obaseki who muscled the state assembly and particularly refused to inaugurate the 14 lawmakers who were duly elected by their constituents till the end of his tenure. Tinubu called out Obaseki, labeling him a despot who emasculated the legislature, which is pivotal to the functioning of democracy, the same way he has condemned Governor Fubara.

Again, the National Assembly, particularly the House of Representatives, has added democratic components to the emergency proclamation by announcing regular oversight on the work of the administrator and the National Assembly performing the law-making functions of the Rivers State Assembly as provided for in the constitution. The emergency declaration also helped to save Fubara, despite his imprudence, from the seemingly-imminent impeachment, which would have taken him out completely for the duration of his tenure and rendered him ineligible for any election going forward.

In the final analysis, the President has demonstrated courage and exemplary leadership by acting to save the nation from what would have adversely affected her economic fortunes and reverse the gains already made. Oil production, which some years ago went as low 900, 000 bpd, is today hovering around 1.6 million bpd. Important governmental initiatives such as NELFUND for indigent students and CREDICORP, vital infrastructure projects being embarked upon by the government like road networks as well as monthly hefty receipts by state governors from the federal allocation accounts would have all been imperilled if the President had delayed taking that decisive action.

What is required now, in my view, is for political stakeholders in the country, particularly Niger Delta leaders, to rally round, rein in the feuding parties – suspended Governor Fubara, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike and the state House of Assembly members – and ensure a quick return to normalcy in Rivers State and a final resolution of the political crisis. The National Assembly has moved to take an important step in this direction by indicating it would set up a body of eminent leaders to help resolve the crisis among the contending parties and return the state to the path of peace and tranquillity. The federal lawmakers deserve commendation for acting expeditiously to approve the emergency declaration and for their resolve to ensure a quick resolution of the crisis.

*Rahman is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media, Publicity & Special Duties.

By Tunde Rahman

Since Afenifere leader Pa Ayo Adebanjo passed away on February 14 at 96, many have praised his significant contributions to Nigeria as a frontline nationalist, a key role player in the politics of the first and second republics, and an uncompromising devotee of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo.

Active in the First Republic Action Group, the Second Republic Unity Party of Nigeria, and Alliance for Democracy from 1999, Baba Adebanjo fought tirelessly for democracy. He consistently advocated for true federalism and the country’s political and economic restructuring based on the 1963 Republican Constitution.

Pa Adebanjo was also a well-known activist who stood for equity, truth, and justice. He fought against all forms of injustice and oppression including military dictatorship.
In this respect, I recall his relationship with President Bola Tinubu.

When Asiwaju Tinubu, then a founding chieftain of the defunct AD, decided to run for Lagos governorship, Pa Adebanjo fully supported him, championing transparency in the process that produced him as the candidate of his party. Despite the initial opposition within the party, Baba Adebanjo and other young party members opted for open party primaries, helping Tinubu to emerge as the candidate. Tinubu went on to win the governorship election and was inaugurated on May 29, 1999.

Grateful for the support, Asiwaju maintained a strong relationship with Baba Adebanjo. Even when their political paths diverged, Tinubu held Baba in high regard. The President said this much in his incisive tribute to Pa Adebanjo, which I quote in part thus:
“In moments of national crisis, Baba’s courage shone brightest. When democracy hung in the balance after the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election, he joined the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) as one of the leading voices against military dictatorship, helping to galvanise a movement that became the bedrock of our collective struggle to reclaim democratic governance.

“His unwavering commitment to truth and justice extended to my journey as a governorship candidate in 1999. Baba Adebanjo’s steadfast support was instrumental in my election as Governor of Lagos State under the platform of the Alliance for Democracy.

“Though our political paths diverged in later years, my respect and admiration for him never wavered. Until his death, I shared a deep personal bond with Baba Adebanjo; he was like a father figure.”

Many in Tinubu’s position might have taken issue with Baba, who sometimes openly criticised him. But not Asíwájú. As an Omoluabi—a person of good character—Tinubu respects elders and institutions, giving honour where it’s due.

How do I know President Tinubu highly regarded Baba Adebanjo? As a journalist and editor, I was well-known to Baba Adebanjo. I interacted with and interviewed him on many occasions during my active years in journalism. So when I became Asiwaju’s Media Adviser, I became the envoy of sorts, the message-bearer for both. Baba Adebanjo would telephone me, saying, “Rahman, Rahman, so fun Oga e pe mo fe ri. To ba wu yin ke wa, to ba wu yin ke ma wa. Tie na la fe so fun,” meaning “Tell your Principal I would like to see him. If he likes, let him honour my invitation. It’s to his benefit if he comes.”

We visited Baba at his residence in Lekki, Lagos, several times. On other occasions, Baba called at Bourdillon, the Ikoyi residence of Asiwaju, along with his entourage.

There is, however, a hilarious and instructive story about the two, which speaks to the admiration and high regard President Tinubu had for Baba, which essentially is the focus of this article. It was during the 90th birthday of Baba Adebanjo, sometime in April 2018. I remember vividly that that particular birthday fell on a Sunday. But a birthday colloquium came up on a Thursday, three days before the actual birthday. We had lodged in our dairy for Asiwaju, the birthday lecture, as well as other activities and events lined up to celebrate the distinguished elder statesman. While focusing on the birthday date, I forgot the preceding Thursday event at Landmark Event Centre in Victoria Island, Lagos. Luckily for me, around 9am that Thursday, the traditional ruler of Oke-Ila in Osun State, Oba Dokun Abolarin, telephoned me, saying he was in Lagos and asking if Asiwaju was coming for the birthday lecture. Knowing I had failed to alert Asiwaju about the lecture the previous night, I smelled trouble.

I immediately raced to Bourdillion in Ikoyi. When I went upstairs to see Asiwaju, he was reading newspapers, oblivious of any early morning engagement that day, particularly that of Baba Adebanjo. I informed him about the event and apologised that I had my mind set on the birthday date on Sunday. The lecture was slated for 10 am, and time was already 10 am. Asiwaju, livid, sprung to his feet. By this time, my colleague Ademola Oshodi had joined me in Asiwaju’s room. Without any prompting, we prostrated and apologised again.

Those close to President Tinubu know he is a very proficient politician in Yoruba as he is in English, complete with street lingo. Still seething in anger, Asiwaju said in Yoruba, “Hen hen, idobale yin yen ni emi ma te’ bati. Ma de ibi lecture, won a ma so pe mo moo mo pe de ni ki nba le da ijoko won ru,” meaning, “So it’s this your prostrating that will now count. I will get to the event now, and they will allege that I deliberately came late so I can cause a stir and disrupt the lecture.”

Somehow, Asiwaju quickly prepared to attend despite our tight schedule as we were meant to travel to Abuja that same day. We got to the occasion around noon after the program had been on for about two hours. One important personality I could not readily remember was on the podium.
Though we arrived late, Tinubu’s presence stirred excitement, and he delivered a heartfelt speech.

As President Tinubu predicted, his arrival caused a big stir and a temporary halt in the programme. As we made to leave, another commotion that did not subside even after our departure ensued. I suspect Asíwájú’s departure might have signaled the virtual end of the program.

That was not the end of the story, though. A couple of days later, I heard Uncle Jimi Disu, a known Asiwaju critic, on his regular programme then on Classic FM, talking about Baba Adebanjo’s birthday lecture, alleging that Asíwájú ‘sauntered’ into the programme uninvited and disrupted the birthday lecture of the nonagenarian. I could not believe my ears. I went on that program afterward to debunk what he said. I narrated what happened, that Asiwaju had tremendous respect for Baba and that he would have avoided the kind of situation that played out if I had briefed him of the timing of the programme.

This incident underscores the critical role of aides in supporting leaders to function effectively. Aides must guide them accurately, as their actions and inactions can significantly impact leadership outcomes. An oversight on my part unintentionally fueled what would have resulted in animus between Baba Adebanjo and Tinubu.

-Rahman is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media, Publicity and Special Duties.

By Temitope Ajayi

Two days after DeepSeek took the world by surprise, a Financial Times report warned that the West should be worried by how China appears to be leading the Artificial Intelligence race.

Financial Times says the emergence of DeepSeek from the shadows, catching the West unawares, is a strong indication that China has mastered the art of ‘Kaizen’.

I recall that my first encounter with Kaizen, the philosophy that underpins the rise of Japan as the Asian economic powerhouse, is about 10 years now.

Societies like China, Japan, and South Korea that anchor their development models on their culture and value systems continue to break new grounds and are far ahead in innovation and human advancement.

At the heart of Japan’s success, especially in the manufacturing and service sectors, is the work ethics that are firmly rooted in the Kaizen philosophy. ‘Kaizen’ is a Japanese word that means continuous improvement or change for the better. The quest for excellence and attention to detail have been weaved into the social and moral fabrics of Japanese society as a matter of obligation.

It is this philosophy and social imperative that the Japanese take into product designs and execution. It is, therefore, not surprising that the world sees continuous improvement in every new edition of Japanese products like Toyota automobiles.

The concept of Kaizen became popular in the United States by the 1980s when it was discovered that the performance of Japanese companies was much better than their American counterparts. It became apparent that the difference between Japanese and American companies in terms of effectiveness and operational efficiency was the application of the Kaizen principle.

Kaizen philosophy is similar to the Yoruba Omoluabi ethos. Every major ethnic group and subculture in Nigeria and Africa has its own equivalent of such value systems.

We can only imagine our pace of development and progress as a country if we develop a national value system around the virtues of excellence, honour, and integrity. This means our workmen and women will pursue excellence as second nature in everything. Politicians will embrace public service as a matter of honour, and citizens will accept integrity as an article of faith in undertakings.

Our society is hemorrhaging as a result of value degradation. It is heartbreaking how badly we have drifted because we neglected our cultural values and practices that served as the guiding principles of society.

It is the responsibility of leaders at all levels to direct society to embrace enduring values that edify and promote human development. I believe we can still recover lost grounds. This is why the efforts being made by the Mallam Lanre Issa-Onilu-led National Orientation Agency to re-ignite a new wave of consciousness through the National Values Charter should be appreciated and promoted. The values charter has already been approved by the Federal Executive Council. President Bola Tinubu is leading this renewed effort to push value re-orientation to the forefront of public policy and national development agenda.

-Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media and Publicity