Opinions

Àmọ̀tẹ́kùn As A Game Changer For 2023, By Reno Omokri

Published

5 years ago

January 19, 2020

A lot has been written about the introduction of the region wide security outfit for the Southwest, known as Àmọ̀tẹ́kùn. Much of it is built around emotions. And as my readers may have noticed, I am not a NICE man. I am a WISE man. I deal with facts. I do not deal in emotions.

Nnamdi Kanu is only partly right. Nigeria is definitely not a zoo. But, I must confess that we live in a jungle, and if you do not understand how the food chain works in a jungle, you will soon find yourself at the bottom of that chain, and it is not a pleasant place to be.

‪When you live in a geography where might is right, and 5 percenters are treated like lepers, you cannot afford to be emotional. If a lion feels sorry for gazelles and antelope, it will not only starve, but its offspring will starve with it! So, wisdom is profitable. And more so when you are a 5 percenter.

If you are in a situation where you cannot compete on the basis of strength, then you are challenged to use your wits and outwit those who have out-powered you. That is how Israel, a tiny nation by land mass and population, has been able to dominate its much bigger neighbours.

So, I will now give my take on Àmọ̀tẹ́kùn. But, let me first warn you, it will not be what you expect. Far from it. Far from it.

What Àmọ̀tẹ́kùn has done is not just an attempt to secure the Southwest. I try to be a deep thinker. I do not focus on the immediate impact of a stimuli. I have disciplined myself to look beyond the immediate impact, to the eventual impact.

In my opinion, the eventual impact of Àmọ̀tẹ́kùn will be to equate the Southwest with the Southeast in the eye of the average Northerner. We need to be realistic. The Edekiri (the real name of the people wrongly identified as Yoruba) are some of the most sophisticated people in Nigeria, and perhaps Black Africa.

Other Nigerians are not as politically sophisticated as they are. The Igbo of the Southeast are very astute in business, but are poor political strategists, who often dissipate their political power by engaging in too many political battles and opening too many fronts simultaneously.

Moreover, it is very hard to counsel Igbo leaders on how to be more strategic, because to a large extent, they will not accept the fact that they need to be more strategic and will often try to teach those who genuinely want to teach them. So what can you do? You just leave them to their ‘wisdom’.

The Igbo man often feels that he is more intelligent than others, and he may very well be right. But the point is that in politics, unintelligent wise people are often more successful than intelligent not so wise people. That I stoop does not mean I have been defeated. It may just mean that I am playing to your vanity in order to conquer you.

The people of the North are very simple people. Easy to lead. The Fulani upper class are however very strategic and are masters of brinksmanship. The fatalism inherent in their Islamic faith helps them in their brinksmanship. However, their political sophistication does not permeate to their masses, unlike the permeation in the Southwest. It is top heavy.

So, why have I gone to this length to make this distinction?
The elite of the North, who at this time are mostly the Fulani and Kanuri intelligentsia, are aware that Àmọ̀tẹ́kùn is a spontaneous reaction by the Southwest to the existential threat herdsmen and other latter day insecurity issues pose to them. They know it is not a secessionist agenda. Not so their people. The average literate, semiliterate or absolutely illiterate Northerner sees Àmọ̀tẹ́kùn as the Yariba (read Yoruba) version of IPOB.

Even if the Southwest scraps Amotekun today and never speaks about it, that impression has been indelibly fixed in the consciousness of the average Northerner, and even Buhari and his Buharism, can’t undo that impression.

To the average Northerner, the Yariba have shown their hands and proved their suspicions right, that their commitment to Nigeria is not total. That they only remain in Nigeria because they are afraid of the strong arm of the North. It does not matter that that is absolute bunkum. It is what they now believe and you ignore that at your own peril.

So, why is this also important? 2023, that is why.
In the eyes of the average Northerner, Àmọ̀tẹ́kùn has disqualified any Yariba person from being worthy enough to be voted for. It does not make sense. It makes emotion.

As a result, any political party that fields a Southerner in 2023 will automatically lose to any political party wise enough to field a Northerner. And if the All Progressive Congress fields Bola Tinubu and thinks they can rig the election in his favour, they may find that the task would be almost impossible.

The average Northerner knows that the Oodua Peoples Congress does not represent the political leaders of the Southwest. This much is even made clearer by the fact that the head of the OPC and Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland, Chief Gani Adams, was not present at the launch of Àmọ̀tẹ́kùn.

However, by seeing Governors Kayode Fayemi and Rotimi Akeredolu present at the event, and driving it, the average Northerner has seen all that he has to see to make his or her conclusions, however erroneous it might be.

As far as as Fayemi and Akeredolu were there, then in the eyes of the average Northerner, Tinubu was also there. Going forward, there will be little distinction made between Nnamdi Kanu and Bola Tinubu, or any of his surrogates, in the eyes of Northerners.

It would have been far better, for their future political relevance, for the Southwest political elite to have surreptitiously funded OPC to take on herdsmen and other security threats to the Southwest that originate from out of the region. The OPC already have a structure, and name recognition. They are already in every local government of the Southwest. They could have been activated, just as Northern Governors have quietly and (to use a Nigerian slang) codedly activated and empowered hunters and under-unemployed youths into the so called Civilian JTF.

Or perhaps they have irreconcilable differences with OPC. If that were the case, then they had other and better options. They could have replicated KAI (Kick Against Indiscipline) in other states in the Southwest or recalibrated the statutorily backed Forest Guards which have been operating in the bushes of the area for decades.

For you to succeed in politics anywhere in the world, you must understand human nature, and be able to anticipate consequences. The consequences of deliberate human action, of acts of God, and of phenomena of nature.

Politics is not the type of vocation that forgives you for taking action without anticipating its likely consequences. You cannot leap and then look. All the hullabaloo and the great to do about the legality or otherwise of Àmọ̀tẹ́kùn, is neither here nor there. As long as Amotekun people do not carry arms, they will not be able to face off with herdsmen and very soon, if that situation is not addressed, they will fizzle out, or become only as relevant as the letter ‘p’ in the word psychology. That is the crux of the matter, not what Malami says or does not say.

What the Southwest needs to do to address the insecurity in their region is political power at the centre, not a toothless bulldog in the fringes. But by coming up with Àmọ̀tẹ́kùn in the manner they have, they have made it that much harder to achieve that goal by 2023.

As for Igbo Presidency in 2023, “It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle”-Matthew 19:24. Not because of external resistance, but because of the dearth of internal unity. It is as God said in Genesis 11:6:
“the people is one, and they have all one language; and this they begin to do: and now nothing will be restrained from them, which they have imagined to do.”

In the quotidian political life of Nigeria, it has become cliche to say that the Igbos are marginalised. But I fear that that has become a crutch for our brethren in the Southeast. Yes, there is Igbo marginalisation. However, to see it as something being done to the Igbo, is to not fully grasp the scope of the marginalisation. By being unable to unite under one political leader, the way the Southwest has subjugated itself to Bola Tinubu, and the way the core North has remained captive to Buhari, the Igbo have become participants in their own marginalisation. If you disagree with me, then tell me who is the political equivalent of Bola Tinubu or Muhammadu Buhari in the Southeast?

If a ship has more than one captain, a boat with a single captain will outperform it. But let me not get carried away. This piece is about Àmọ̀tẹ́kùn. An idea that the Ebonyi state government claims the Southwest stole from the Southeast.

According to Mr Stanley Emegha, Commissioner for Internal Security and Border Peace in Ebonyi, the Southwest stole the idea from the Southeast, who conceived of it. He claims that while the Southeast governors were still deliberating on their idea, the Southwest governors “stole” their plan and implemented it.

Even in the unlikely event that this is true, it still goes to buttress my argument. It only underpins the fact that the problem of the Southeast is unity, if they could have conceived of an idea and before they could implement it, the Southwest Governors were able to unite, in record time, and implement it, while, according to Mr. Emegha, the Southeast Governors were still meeting.

One other thing:
On the Imo judgment, to say I am stunned would be an understatement. I mean, if you add the votes given to Uzodinma by the Supreme Court, to the votes of all the other candidates, you get a total votes of almost a million. Imo has not generated such voter numbers since it was created.

What the opposition did when then President Jonathan removed fuel subsidy in 2012, is what the current opposition should have done when General Buhari removed Onnoghen in 2019. The judiciary and legislature lost their independence with Onnoghen and Saraki!

Opinions

10 ways the Tax Bills will make states richer

Published

1 week ago

December 4, 2024

Seyi Babalola

By Temitope Ajayi

Human beings naturally resist change. When comfortable where we are, we find it extremely difficult to embrace an uncharted path or seek greater glory. Those who are risk averse often don’t want to venture out to embrace unfamiliar territories no matter how tempting the possible reward may appear. We should not, however, be so imprisoned by the fear of the unknown not to explore new possibilities because we find our present circumstances satisfying enough.

Since the public debate around the Tax Reform Bills started, the strongest push back against it has come largely from the north. Borno State Governor, Professor Babagana Zulum has become the face of the resistance for the reasons he has pushed forward, even when some of them didn’t speak to the facts and provisions of the bills.

If Governor Zulum and other voices of resistance who think the states will be shortchanged had actually taken time to examine the four executive Bills, they will see how progressive and transformative the Bills are. They will also discern the thought behind them which is primarily to make both the Federal and sub-nationals fiscally stronger and buoyant.

In his public presentations and the most recent being the Channels TV Town Hall moderated by Seun Okinbaloye Monday evening, Chairman of Presidential Committee on Tax and Fiscal Policy Reforms, Taiwo Oyedele and other panelists again made convincing arguments for the passage of the Bills before the National Assembly.

Here are the 10 ways the Tax Bills will serve the states better and enhance their capacity to earn more revenue:

1. The federal government will cede 5% out of its current 15% share of VAT revenue to states.

2. The Bills will transfer income from the Electronic Money Transfer levy exclusively to states as part of stamp duties.

3. The Bills seek to repeal obsolete stamp duties law and re-enactment of a simplified law to enhance the revenue for states.

4. Under the new dispensation the Tax Bills will usher in, states will be entitled to the tax of Limited Liability Partnerships.

5. When passed by the National Assembly, the Tax Bills will enable the state government to enjoy tax exemption on their bonds to be at par with federal government bonds.

6. Under the proposed tax reform, states will enjoy a more equitable model for VAT attribution and distribution that will lead to higher VAT income.

7. Integrated tax administration will provide tax intelligence to states, strengthen capacity development and collaboration, and scope of Tax Appeal Tribunal to cover taxpayer disputes on state taxes.

8. The proposed tax laws grant powers for Accountant General of the Federation to deduct taxes unremitted by a government or MDA and pay to the beneficiary sub-national government on personal income tax of workers of federal institutions in states.

9. Framework to grant autonomy for states internal revenue service and enhanced Joint Revenue Board to promote collaborative fiscal federalism.

10. Legal framework for taxation of lottery and gaming and introduction of withholding tax for the benefit of states.

From the aforementioned, it is clear that the Tax Bills are not in any way injurious to the states. Apart from streamlining the tax system in Nigeria and catalysing economic output, the tax and fiscal policy reforms provide incentives for states to become economic powerhouses. The challenge for governors will be to put on their thinking cap by investing in manpower and critical social and physical infrastructure in their states that will support businesses and socio-economic activities to flourish.

-Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Publicity

Opinions

Forging Ahead: The Evolving Nigeria-South Africa Alliance

Published

1 week ago

December 3, 2024

Seyi Babalola

By Sunday Dare

As Nigeria and South Africa hold the 11th session of Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission, in Cape Town, on Tue Dec 3, 2024 it is trite to establish the contours of their relationship and to thank President Tinubu for keeping faith with Africa’s other big brother.
The radar on Nigeria again shifts to South Africa witnessing three weeks of unprecedented shuttle political and economic diplomacy.

President Bola Tinubu’s co-chairmanship of the 11th Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) alongside President Cyril Ramaphosa marks a significant diplomatic step towards fostering stronger bilateral ties.

This meeting, which coincides with the 25th anniversary of the BNC, underscores the importance of high-level engagements between Africa’s two largest economies.

As Nigeria and South Africa convene the 11th session of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) in Cape Town on Tuesday, December 3, 2024, it is imperative to reflect on the historical and evolving contours of their relationship. This milestone session, coinciding with the 25th anniversary of the BNC, serves as a testament to the resilience, ambition, and shared vision of Africa’s two largest economies. It is also a fitting moment to commend President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for his unwavering commitment to fostering robust ties with Africa’s other “big brother,” South Africa.

In the wake of three weeks of intense shuttle diplomacy spanning political and economic arenas, Nigeria’s radar is again fixed on South Africa. These engagements underscore a mutual recognition of their intertwined destinies in shaping Africa’s future.

As leaders, policymakers, and stakeholders converge in Cape Town, the air will be laden with both expectation and nostalgia—a poignant reminder of a partnership that has endured triumphs, challenges, and moments of historic significance.

One cannot but recall May 1990, when Nelson Mandela, few months after his release from Robben Island, embarked on a state visit to Lagos. That moment, etched in the annals of African solidarity, rekindled the bond between Nigeria and South Africa, catalyzing a renewed era of collaboration. It was a symbolic bridge, uniting the aspirations of two nations whose struggles and victories have defined the narrative of Africa’s journey toward liberation and unity.

This week, Cape Town becomes the stage for another chapter in this storied relationship. With the BNC serving as a platform for dialogue and cooperation, the two nations are poised to reaffirm their roles as co-architects of a continent driven by shared prosperity, peace, and purpose. Their ability to navigate the currents of history while embracing the opportunities of the future demonstrates that this partnership is, indeed, coming of age.

Established in 1999, the Nigeria-South Africa BNC is a structured platform aimed at enhancing cooperation across political, economic, and social sectors. Over the years, the commission has evolved into a key mechanism for dialogue, addressing shared challenges, and fostering sustainable development.

This year’s session, encompassing eight working groups, highlights both nations’ commitment to addressing mutual priorities: These key priorities include political consultations (ensuring stability in regional and global contexts), consular and migration Issues (addressing concerns such as xenophobia and facilitating smoother relations), banking and finance (exploring avenues for economic integration), defence and security (trackling transnational crimes and terrorism), as well as manufacturing and trade (including strengthening intra-African trade under the African Continental Free Trade Agreement, AfCFTA). Also covered are mines and energy (leveraging natural resources for mutual benefit, social sector development (promoting education, healthcare, and culture), and trade and Investment (expanding business opportunities for both nations).

The philosophical underpinnings for the BNC embodies principles of Pan-Africanism, Ubuntu, and liberal institutionalism, emphasizing unity, collective progress, and institutionalized cooperation. As Nelson Mandela aptly stated, “The greatest glory in living lies not in never falling, but in rising every time we fall.” This captures the essence of overcoming historical frictions to achieve a united African future.

President Tinubu’s leadership in this context is pivotal, reflecting Nigeria’s strategic role in Africa’s socio-economic and political landscape.

A discussion of the ongoing efforts would be incomplete without referencing philosophical concepts that accentuate its significance.
Rooted in the works of W.E.B. Du Bois, Kwame Nkrumah, and Julius Nyerere, Pan-Africanism emphasizes the solidarity of African nations to combat external domination and promote socio-economic progress. The BNC reflects this ideal by uniting Nigeria and South Africa as pillars of African development. As Kwame Nkrumah once said, “The forces that unite us are intrinsic and greater than the superimposed influences that keep us apart.”. This quote underscores the importance of Nigeria and South Africa overcoming historical challenges, such as xenophobia, to focus on collective progress.

The BNC’s deliberations and MoUs can be seen as an extension of this principle. According to Aristotle, “The good of the people must be the great aim of government.” The Southern African philosophy of Ubuntu, often translated as “I am because we are,” aligns with the spirit of the BNC. It emphasizes interconnectedness, mutual respect, and the collective good. Ubuntu offers a philosophical lens through which Nigeria and South Africa can navigate shared challenges and opportunities. As Desmond Tutu once reflected: “We can only be human together: hence, the essence of collaborative efforts in fostering a united African front.

Beyond these, the Dependency Theory, associated with scholars like Andre Gunder Frank, critiques the global economic system’s perpetuation of underdevelopment in the Global South. By strengthening intra-African trade and reducing reliance on foreign powers, Nigeria and South Africa can challenge these structures through platforms like the BNC. Joseph Stiglitz’s words that “Development is about transforming the lives of people, not just transforming economies,” aligns with the BNC’s goals of translating economic growth into meaningful societal impacts.

The pragmatic effort to address specific issues in trade, security, and development stresses the responsibility of both leaders to focus on concrete outcomes over rhetoric. More importantly, it refects the basic principles of African Renaissance. Championed by scholars like Cheikh Anta Diop and Thabo Mbeki, the African Renaissance envisions a continent reclaiming its rightful place in global affairs through unity, cultural revival, and economic development. The BNC is a practical manifestation of this vision.Certainly, Tinubu and Ramaphosa are evoking the shared identity and destiny of Nigerians and South Africans in fostering an African Renaissance. The BNC serves as a practical example of liberal institutionalism, fostering dialogue and collaboration in a structured manner. As Martin Luther King Jr once stated, “We must learn to live together as brothers or perish together as fools.” This underscores the imperative for sustained collaboration through institutions like the BNC.

Constructivism suggests that international relations are shaped by ideas, identities, and shared values rather than mere material factors. Therefore, the symbolic 25th anniversary of the BNC is a reflection of the shared identity and history of Nigeria and South Africa.
According to John Maynard Keynes, “The ideas of men, their dreams and visions, are much more powerful than material forces.” The role of shared visions in shaping Nigeria-South Africa relations cannot be over-emphasized.

Shared History

The history of Nigeria-South Africa relationship runs through the period of Anti-Apartheid Solidarity of 1960 – 1965, through Post-Apartheid engagement that started in 1999. Nigeria was a leading supporter of South Africa’s liberation movement. Between 1960 and 1995, Nigeria committed substantial financial and diplomatic resources to the anti-apartheid struggle, offering refuge and education to South African exiles like Thabo Mbeki.The Bi-National Commission, established in 1999, institutionalized bilateral cooperation. However, relations have faced challenges, including xenophobic attacks in South Africa and trade imbalances.

The current nature of the two countries’ economic relations shows that Nigeria’s oil exports and South Africa’s industrial expertise complement each other. Opportunities under AfCFTA and energy collaboration highlight the untapped potential of this relationship. Looking ahead, it is rather easy to see that with strong historical ties and shared visions, Nigeria and South Africa are well-positioned to lead Africa’s socio-economic transformation.

From Anti-Apartheid Solidarity to Economic Collaboration

The Nigeria-South Africa relationship is a tale of resilience, solidarity, and transformation, deeply rooted in shared historical, political, and economic narratives. As Africa’s largest economies, the two nations have carved distinct yet intertwined paths that highlight their roles as both leaders and collaborators in shaping the continent’s destiny. From Nigeria’s pivotal support during South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle to their evolving economic partnership, this relationship embodies the essence of African unity. Yet, it has not been without its challenges, marked by moments of friction and unresolved tensions.
The forthcoming 11th session of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) in Cape Town provides a fitting occasion to reflect on this storied partnership. With the backdrop of the 25th anniversary of the BNC, it is an opportune moment to examine how the two nations have evolved from their shared fight for justice to becoming co-architects of Africa’s economic and political renaissance.
The roots of the Nigeria-South Africa partnership lie in the era of apartheid, where Nigeria emerged as one of the most steadfast allies of the African National Congress (ANC) and other liberation movements in South Africa and Nigeria’s key contributions cover:

• Diplomatic Advocacy: Nigeria was a vocal opponent of apartheid on global platforms such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth, pushing for sanctions and isolating South Africa’s apartheid regime diplomatically.

• Financial and Material Aid: Under initiatives such as the “Mandela Tax,” successive Nigerian governments provided significant financial and logistical support to the ANC. Over the decades, Nigeria is estimated to have spent over $61 billion in its efforts to dismantle apartheid.

• Educational and Cultural Solidarity: Nigeria welcomed South African exiles and offered scholarships to ANC members, including figures like Thabo Mbeki, who studied and lived in Nigeria during apartheid. Nigerian universities served as sanctuaries for intellectual and political development for many South African activists.

• Civil Society Advocacy: Nigerian artists, intellectuals, and activists utilized literature, music, and advocacy to raise global awareness of the atrocities of apartheid and rally international solidarity.

Nigeria-South Africa relations in the post-apartheid era reflects collaboration, along with some measure of frictions. With apartheid dismantled in 1994 and Nelson Mandela’s election as South Africa’s first democratic president, the dynamic between the two nations transitioned from solidarity to collaboration. However, this new era was also punctuated by moments of tension.

Collaborative Achievements

• Institutional Frameworks: The establishment of the Bi-National Commission in 1999 formalized a structured approach to bilateral engagement.

• African Leadership: Both nations played pivotal roles in initiatives such as the African Union (AU) and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), advancing the African Renaissance.

• Economic Ties: South African corporations such as MTN, Shoprite, and Multichoice became prominent players in Nigeria’s economic landscape, fostering trade and investment.

Sources of Tension:

• Xenophobia: Recurrent xenophobic attacks on Nigerians living in South Africa have strained relations, spotlighting socio-economic grievances and perceptions of competition.

• Diplomatic Disputes: Occasional policy disagreements, such as South Africa’s visa denial to Nigerian officials during Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency, have highlighted gaps in mutual understanding.

• Trade Imbalance: While South African businesses thrive in Nigeria, Nigerian firms face significant barriers in South Africa, fueling perceptions of unequal benefits.

Pragmatic mutual exploration of trade and economic potentials has since taken over. As Africa’s two largest economies, Nigeria and South Africa are uniquely positioned to lead the continent’s economic transformation.
Current Dynamics.

• Trade Composition: Nigeria primarily exports crude oil and natural gas to South Africa, while South Africa exports machinery, manufactured goods, and processed foods.

• Investment Landscape: South African firms dominate in sectors like telecommunications (MTN), retail (Shoprite), and media (Multichoice).
Opportunities for Growth.

• Intra-African Trade: The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) presents opportunities for deeper trade integration, particularly in technology and industrial goods.

• Energy Partnerships: Nigeria’s energy surplus and South Africa’s demand create possibilities for collaboration in oil, gas, and renewables.

• Shared Regional Leadership: Joint infrastructural and developmental initiatives can drive economic growth across Africa.

A Vision for the Future
Despite historical and contemporary challenges, the Nigeria-South Africa partnership remains a cornerstone of African diplomacy. The 25th anniversary of the Bi-National Commission serves as an opportunity to recalibrate their relationship and unlock its potential for mutual and continental benefits.

As Thabo Mbeki poignantly remarked:
“We share a common destiny as Africans. Only through unity and cooperation can we rise above our challenges and achieve greatness.”
This sentiment captures the essence of Nigeria-South Africa relations—a partnership poised to redefine Africa’s trajectory toward peace, prosperity, and global relevance.

Sunday Dare
Special Adviser, to the President on Media and Public Communications

Opinions

Measuring national progress, NBS data, and scepticism

Published

2 weeks ago

November 29, 2024

Seyi Babalola

By Bayo Onanuga

Recent reports from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) have become a focal point of criticism and scepticism, especially by the political opposition and perpetual doubters of any positive report about our country.

In its Q2 labour survey report, the NBS says the unemployment rate fell from 5.3 % in Q1 to 4.3% in Q2. Compared to the unemployment rate of 5.3% in Q4 2022, the report shows some progress, as it also indicates lower level of youth unemployment.

The NBS also reported that GDP growth in the third quarter rose to 3.46% year-on-year in real terms, higher than the 2.54% recorded in Q3 2023 and above the second quarter growth of 3.19%.

The report stated that the GDP’s performance in the third quarter of 2024 was driven mainly by the Services sector, which recorded a growth of 5.19% and contributed 53.58% to the aggregate GDP. The agriculture sector grew by 1.14%, from the growth of 1.30% recorded in the third quarter of 2023. The industry sector’s growth was 2.18%, an improvement from 0.46% recorded in the third quarter of 2023.

“In terms of share of the GDP, the services sector contributed more to the aggregate GDP in the third quarter of 2024 compared to the corresponding quarter of 2023.

“In the quarter under review, aggregate GDP at basic price stood at N71,131,091.07 million in nominal terms. This performance is higher than the third quarter of 2023, which recorded an aggregate GDP of N60,658,600.37 million, indicating a year-on-year nominal growth of 17.26%.

Amid a singer’s uninformed opinion that went viral on social media that our country’s economy is in shambles, the NBS sounded positive, reporting that the economy is improving, as proven by the successive growth from Quarter one of 2024 up until Quarter 3.

Ordinarily, such positive reports should elicit hope and joy that our country’s economy is getting out of the woods, but they were instead met with skepticism from some quarters.

Unfounded allegations by critics that the data was manipulated fail to recognise the transparent and robust methodologies employed by the NBS. These methodologies are continually reviewed and improved to ensure reliability, providing a solid foundation for the data presented.

In contrast, when the NBS reported that inflation figures rose, these same voices quickly endorsed the report, illustrating some Nigerians’ selective acceptance of data based on preconceived narratives and confirmation bias rather than its authenticity.

It is crucial to emphasise that the NBS operates as an independent entity committed to providing accurate and objective data. These statistics are not mere numbers; they are derived from comprehensive research and analysis, reflecting the multifaceted realities of our national economy. The processes align with global best practices, and the bureau’s methodologies are continually reviewed and improved to ensure reliability.

Moreover, the positive economic indicators should be viewed as milestones in the ongoing efforts by the Tinubu administration to strengthen Nigeria’s economy. The figures by NBS reflect that a combination of government initiatives is yielding fruits, boosting the service sector and the stock and bond market, creating jobs, and driving sustainable growth. These developments, sooner than later, will translate into improved living standards, increased job opportunities, and a more robust economy for all Nigerians.

While challenges remain, dismissing progress in a knee-jerk manner, as some Nigerians do, negates the hard work of the government and the private sector, which contributed to these achievements.

The same way some Nigerians dismiss and deride economic data is very prevalent on the judicial front and in the work of the Independent National Electoral Commission. When a politician wins an election or a legal case, the singsong is that it has been a fair contest and justice has been delivered; however, when a candidate or party loses, the supporters binge on derision against INEC or the judges. Only recently, a prominent Nigerian went abroad to dismiss the 2023 election as a travesty because his candidate did not win the poll or the legal challenge instituted.

As Nigerians, we must respect our judicial system, even when the outcome does not favour us. The symbol of justice is a pendulum, and judges uphold justice based on the rule of law, without public pressure or sentiment. Accusations of corruption, whenever verdicts defy personal expectations, undermine the integrity of our courts and the democratic principles we cherish. We must turn the page over these matters and stop clinging to skepticism when presented with favourable data reflecting our nation’s progress. Those who truly want Nigeria to become a great country we all claim we seek will not use every opportunity to take out the flames of national progress. While the challenges remain and are being addressed, we must always recognise and celebrate every progress.

– Onanuga is Special Adviser to President Tinubu on Information and Strategy